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Three Vintage STX Lacrosse Shafts

Lacrosse/Shafts/Attack & Midfield Shafts

Sold by @colemanhopkins5

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Description

Self-explanatory title. Very old shafts in great shape. They’re all straight with no dents. One is cut down slightly shorter than the others. I’m happy to bundle it with other items. Price is for all three together. Same day shipping.

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Warrior Revo Pro 2.

0 Head (vintage)

Lacrosse/Heads

Sold by @wtt7

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Not made anymore very rare in good condition revo pro OG head. Hurts when u get whacked by this head has clips on side great for defensemen with anger issues

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Revolution of the First World War – Vedomosti

Due to the lag in modernization, Russian soldiers had to fight “with the body against steel” / Photo chronicle TASS

The central factor in the Russian Revolution of 1917 and subsequent transformations in Russia was the First World War. The war prepared both the objective and subjective causes of the revolution.

The Russian army included the most able-bodied part of the population, 15 million men of working age. The Russian army (like other participants in the First World War) was influenced by an unprecedented war – industrial, mass, total. It was distinguished from past wars by the enormous scope of hostilities – from the Black Sea to the Baltic Sea. The impact on a warring person was carried out on land, on water, under water, in the air, underground and in the “fourth dimension” – in the form of propaganda. Military operations were of a production nature, the front line looked like a “construction site”, and the warrior turned into a “war worker” (Ernst Jünger), completely cut off from personal interests and devoted to the common cause.

The Russian army largely failed to meet the requirements of a new type of war. This was a consequence of the incompleteness of the pre-war modernization of Russia. Until the end of the war, the country was inferior in providing the army with heavy guns and shells for them, machine guns, aircraft, and military engineering facilities. If in the Western armies the number of infantry units was constantly decreasing, being replaced by artillery, machine-gun, engineering units, then in the Russian army the number of infantrymen, on the contrary, was constantly increasing. As a result, Russian soldiers had to fight “with the body against steel.” The inconsistency with the technical nature of the war was also manifested in the composition of the army. Its first staff, made up of a regular army and reservists who had completed military service in the peacetime army (slightly more than 4.5 million people), was still sufficiently trained and disciplined. However, this contingent practically disappeared during the war. It was replaced by a new composition of the army, which consisted of second-order reserves and recruits who had never completed military service (10.5 million people). The new soldiers carried a significant burden of traditionalism, characteristic of the main population of Russia, which consisted of 85% of the peasants. This contrasted sharply with the nature of modern warfare and gave the command reason to call the army of this composition a militia of a “completely bad militia character” (General Brusilov). Recent additions to the army, mostly from youth 18–19years, included hooligan, anti-war, and sometimes criminal elements, reflecting the problems of internal Russia during the outbreak of the socio-economic crisis on the eve of 1917.

The main factor influencing the morale of the troops was the peasant mentality of the soldiers. It determined the motivation of the struggle, moral stamina, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, the variability of the soldiers’ moods up to the rejection of the war itself. Such a mentality lay at the basis of “passive” patriotism in the form of a duty to the king, the family, the peasant world. In the letters, peasant soldiers wrote: “destined”, “had to”, “fate”, “as the Lord pleases”, “such a fate”, “to be in military service, to defend their homeland and the tsar-father”, etc. The hardships of modern it was difficult to endure the war with the available resources, the human contingent, the traditions of military labor, the usual forms of labor discipline. The war was not like the “old” wars with their many days of maneuvering and “decisive”, in a few days, battles. Now major battles dominated, dragging on for months with unrelenting intensity and tension. And periods of “inactivity” turned into a painful “trench seat”, sometimes less tolerable than an open battle. This contradicted the rhythm of hostilities expected, following the example of past wars, which coincided with the seasonal schedule of work and rest of the peasant soldiers. The characteristic endurance of Russian soldiers was eroded in the face of a better armed enemy. The regimental fraternity, familiar to past wars, was lost as a result of heavy losses and a constant change in the composition of units. Losses in the officer corps led to the loss of an established hierarchy with “fathers-commanders”, who were replaced by young “wartime officers” who did not have authority – ensigns. The usual ideas about the enemy as an “Asiatic”, “infidel” did not correspond to the realities of the war. The war was fought on the western outskirts of the country with a hostile population in its mass, which called into question the meaning of the war. An extremely depressing factor for the peasant soldiers was information from the rear about the hardships faced by the peasant economy during the war.

All this led to a moral crisis in the army. Already in the autumn of 1914, mass surrenders began, growing throughout 1915 and continuing until the end of the war (3.6 million people, 24% of all those called up). Since 1916, a new problem has arisen – mass desertion (over 450,000 only detained before the start of the revolution). Another form of avoiding the war was self-mutilation (about 200,000 “palechniks”). Deserters not only had a negative effect on the composition of the army, but were also a serious factor in the growth of general crime in the country. In the theater of operations, deserters participated in illegal requisitions, pogroms, outright robberies, etc. In the interior regions of Russia, deserters terrorized the local population, acted as instigators of anti-war riots, food riots, etc. Anti-war sentiments were widespread in the army, which manifested itself in the phenomenon of fraternization, which was gaining momentum until the end of the war, a large number of refuseniks (at least 2,000 people). At the end of 1916 – early 1917 the army was struck by a series of military riots, refusals to go into battle, direct uprisings. A particularly dangerous situation has developed in the Petrogradsky district. Up to half a million reserve soldiers were concentrated here, preparing to be sent to the front. But it was precisely in Petrograd that several tens of thousands of deserters accumulated, who came into contact with the storerooms, the urban strata suffering from the protracted war.

An important part of the dissatisfied with the war were the workers, who did not consider the increase in wages sufficient to cover the hardships of the high cost and lack of basic necessities. The peasants also opposed the war, who did not agree with the constant “work requisitions” for defensive work, attempts to carry out a surplus appraisal (from December 1916). The dissatisfied population inside the country was emboldened by direct calls from the front for protests on the grounds of high prices and military hardships. Anti-war sentiment became the main factor in the growth of revolutionary sentiment at the front, in the capital and in the country as a whole.

From the first months of the war, the authorities tried to counteract the negative tendencies in the army. However, the gravity of the situation was underestimated. The military censorship, which carried out a grandiose monitoring of the soldiers’ moods, insisted until the beginning of the revolution on the predominance of “cheerful moods.” Passive strategies of behavior, “cheerful fatalism”, etc. were referred to as such. Even less durable for confrontation in modern warfare turned out to be a propaganda resource that was not provided with either the number of newspapers or an ideological concept that was clear to semi-literate soldiers. The clergy, led by Protopresbyter of the Russian army and navy Georgy Shavelsky, tried to oppose the “oppressed moods” in the army with the “commissar methods” of working with the flock at the front: reading brochures, daily conversations, recruiting seminary teachers and teachers of theological academies for agitation at the front, sometimes in the course of dressed in military uniforms for their lectures. However, the religious support of military operations could not resist the anti-war sentiments widespread in the army, the successful activities of pacifist refuseniks. In the face of a huge number of military crimes, the military judicial machine was paralyzed. Many criminals at the front escaped punishment. There was, in essence, a latent decriminalization of military crimes, which took on an open character in the revolutionary 1917 year.

The war had a tremendous effect on the entire Russian society, authorities, and social groups. And here the features of modern, technical warfare played, requiring special production and socio-political support. The industrial nature of the war was accompanied by continuous innovation in the field of armaments, the structure of which differed sharply from the “traditional” wars, which were fought mainly with accumulated funds. In the new war, up to 90% of the armaments were produced during the hostilities themselves. This required an appropriate economy, both in terms of scale and manageability. The war turned into a “war of plants and factories.” To match the economy, the whole society had to be reorganized on the basis of “mobilization” and “organization of the country for defense.” This included the connection between the front and the rear, the special coherence of the social organism, the elimination of social barriers, the admission to social and administrative activities of various groups of the population and socio-political forces. In Western countries, this “mobilization” led to “inner peace” between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, the limitation of exploitation by the former and social demands by the latter. Politically, in the leading warring countries, this led to the entry into the government of representatives of the socialist parties. The main instruments of economic policy were regulatory measures, the introduction of a state monopoly on essential goods, and the provision of social and material guarantees to all members of society. This was achieved by participation in the sphere of management and distribution of many public, cooperative, municipal organizations. By its nature, such a system of equalizing and distributive measures bore the character of “military socialism”.

In Russia, the war factor was used by all social and political forces to transform society and the state. But unity was not achieved. The reason was the lack of compromise between the authorities and society in pre-war political life. For the authorities, the main thing was the achievement of geopolitical interests set by the foreign policy of tsarist Russia, and the main tool was the activity of the tsarist bureaucracy. For the liberal public, victory in the war, together with the Western democracies over “reactionary” Germany, was seen as a guarantee of Russia’s development on a democratic, liberal basis. The socialist groups of the Mensheviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries, and Popular Socialists stood on defensive positions and emphasized social distribution work, which, in their opinion, brought society closer to the achievement of socialist ideals. The top military leadership, dissatisfied with the inefficiency of the tsarist bureaucracy, insisted on general militarization.

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