Maverick havoc. Maverik Havok Unstrung Lacrosse Head: Elite Performance for Defensemen

What features make the Maverik Havok lacrosse head stand out. How does the Ground Control technology improve ground ball pickup. Why is the Havok ideal for elite LSMs and defensemen. What materials and design elements contribute to its strength-to-weight ratio.

Introducing the Maverik Havok: A Game-Changing Lacrosse Head

The Maverik Havok Unstrung Lacrosse Head is revolutionizing defensive play with its innovative design and cutting-edge features. Engineered specifically for elite long-stick midfielders (LSMs) and defensemen, this head offers unparalleled performance on the field. Its combination of strength, lightweight construction, and advanced technologies make it a top choice for players looking to elevate their game.

Ground Control Technology: Dominating Ground Ball Battles

One of the standout features of the Maverik Havok is its Ground Control technology. This perfectly engineered scoop angle is designed to make ground ball pickup effortless, giving players a significant advantage in crucial moments. How does Ground Control work? The optimized angle allows for smooth scooping motions, reducing the chances of the ball bouncing or rolling away during pickup attempts. This technology ensures that players can dominate ground ball battles consistently, turning defensive plays into offensive opportunities.

Benefits of Ground Control:

• Improved ground ball success rate
• Faster transitions from defense to offense
• Reduced fumbles during pickup attempts
• Increased confidence in ground ball situations

Unmatched Strength-to-Weight Ratio

The Maverik Havok boasts the best-in-class strength-to-weight ratio, making it a formidable tool for defensive players. How is this achieved? The head features a tighter face shape and a lightweight X-Strut design, which work together to create a structure that is both incredibly strong and remarkably light. This optimal balance allows players to deliver precise checks and increase caused turnovers without sacrificing maneuverability or control.

Key Factors Contributing to Strength and Lightness:

1. Tighter face shape for improved ball control
2. Lightweight X-Strut design for reduced overall weight
3. Strategic material distribution for maximum strength
4. Optimized geometry for improved structural integrity

DURATOUGH Material: Consistency in All Conditions

The Maverik Havok incorporates DURATOUGH material in its construction, significantly enhancing its performance and durability. This advanced material increases the head’s stiffness, ensuring consistent play in all weather conditions. Why is this important? Lacrosse players often face varying weather conditions that can affect equipment performance. The DURATOUGH material maintains its properties regardless of temperature or humidity, providing players with a reliable tool that performs consistently game after game.

Advantages of DURATOUGH Material:

• Increased stiffness for improved ball control
• Consistent performance in hot, cold, or wet conditions
• Enhanced durability for longer-lasting equipment
• Reduced flex during checks and shots

X-Rail Technology: Innovative Stress Distribution

The Maverik Havok features X-Rail Technology, an engineering marvel that enhances the head’s overall performance. This innovative design distributes stress to the opposite rail, creating a lightweight yet incredibly stiff structure. How does this benefit players? The X-Rail Technology allows for a reduction in material weight without compromising structural integrity, resulting in a head that is both responsive and durable. This technology is particularly beneficial for defensive players who need to make quick, precise movements while maintaining control during checks and interceptions.

X-Rail Technology Benefits:

• Optimized stress distribution for improved durability
• Reduced overall weight without sacrificing strength
• Enhanced responsiveness for quicker defensive reactions
• Improved energy transfer during checks and passes

Level 4 Bottom Rail: Power and Consistency

The Maverik Havok incorporates a Level 4 Bottom Rail, designed to deliver a mid-high pocket placement. This strategic design choice offers players several advantages on the field. How does the Level 4 Bottom Rail enhance performance? The mid-high pocket placement provides added power to shots and passes while maintaining consistent hold on the ball. This balance of power and control is crucial for defensive players who need to make accurate clearing passes or take opportunistic shots when transitioning to offense.

Advantages of the Level 4 Bottom Rail:

• Increased shot and pass power
• Consistent ball hold for improved control
• Optimal pocket placement for defensive play
• Enhanced accuracy for clearing passes

Customization Options: Tailored Performance

Understanding that every player has unique preferences, the Maverik Havok offers multiple stringing holes for custom pocket options. This feature allows players to fine-tune their pocket to match their playing style and position requirements. Why is customization important? The ability to adjust pocket depth, tension, and shape can significantly impact a player’s performance, affecting factors such as ball control, release speed, and hold time. The Havok’s versatile stringing options ensure that each player can optimize their head for peak performance.

Customization Benefits:

• Personalized pocket depth and shape
• Adjustable whip and hold
• Optimized release points for different playing styles
• Ability to adapt the head for specific defensive techniques

Made in the USA: Quality and Performance

The Maverik Havok proudly bears the “Made in the USA” label, a testament to its quality and performance. Why does this matter? Products manufactured in the United States often undergo rigorous quality control measures and are subject to strict manufacturing standards. For players, this translates to a higher level of confidence in the product’s durability, consistency, and overall performance. Additionally, choosing American-made products supports domestic industry and often results in faster availability and easier access to customer support.

Advantages of USA Manufacturing:

• Strict quality control measures
• Adherence to high manufacturing standards
• Support for domestic industry
• Potential for faster shipping and customer service

The Maverik Havok Unstrung Lacrosse Head represents the pinnacle of defensive lacrosse equipment. Its innovative features, including Ground Control technology, DURATOUGH material, and X-Rail design, combine to create a head that offers unparalleled performance for elite LSMs and defensemen. The focus on strength-to-weight ratio, customization options, and consistent performance in all conditions makes the Havok a top choice for players serious about elevating their game.

Whether you’re looking to dominate ground ball battles, deliver precise checks, or improve your overall defensive play, the Maverik Havok provides the tools necessary for success. Its American-made quality ensures durability and reliability, while the various technological advancements offer a competitive edge on the field. For lacrosse players seeking to optimize their equipment for peak performance, the Maverik Havok Unstrung Lacrosse Head stands as a prime example of innovation meeting tradition in the world of lacrosse.

The Test Drive Program: Try Before You Commit

One of the most unique aspects of purchasing the Maverik Havok through SportStop.com is the exclusive Test Drive Program. This customer-friendly initiative allows players to try out the lacrosse head in real-world conditions before fully committing to the purchase. How does the Test Drive Program work? It’s a simple three-step process designed to give players confidence in their equipment choice.

Test Drive Program Steps:

1. Purchase the Maverik Havok lacrosse head
2. Try it out in practices, scrimmages, or games
3. If unsatisfied, return within 45 days for a credit

The Test Drive Program offers several benefits to potential buyers. First, it alleviates the risk associated with purchasing new equipment. Players can experience the Maverik Havok’s performance firsthand, testing its Ground Control technology, feeling the strength-to-weight ratio, and assessing how it complements their playing style. If the head doesn’t meet their expectations or needs, they can return it without being stuck with an unsuitable piece of equipment.

Additionally, this program demonstrates SportStop.com’s confidence in the Maverik Havok’s quality and performance. By offering such a generous trial period, they’re essentially saying, “We believe you’ll love this product once you try it.” This customer-centric approach not only builds trust but also ensures that players end up with equipment that truly enhances their game.

Advantages of the Test Drive Program:

• Risk-free trial of the Maverik Havok
• Opportunity to assess performance in real game situations
• Flexibility to return if not satisfied
• Credit towards alternative equipment if needed

The Test Drive Program aligns perfectly with the Maverik Havok’s innovative spirit. Just as the lacrosse head incorporates cutting-edge technologies to improve player performance, the program employs a modern approach to equipment purchases, prioritizing player satisfaction and performance optimization.

Comparing the Maverik Havok to Other Defensive Heads

While the Maverik Havok stands out in many aspects, it’s important to consider how it compares to other defensive lacrosse heads on the market. How does the Havok stack up against its competitors? Let’s examine some key areas of comparison:

Strength-to-Weight Ratio:

The Havok’s claim of having the best-in-class strength-to-weight ratio is significant. Many defensive heads prioritize either strength or lightness, often sacrificing one for the other. The Havok’s ability to maintain high strength while keeping weight low puts it ahead of many competitors in this crucial aspect.

Ground Ball Technology:

While many lacrosse heads feature scoop designs to aid in ground ball pickup, the Havok’s Ground Control technology appears to be a step above. The specifically engineered scoop angle could provide a noticeable advantage in ground ball situations compared to more traditional designs.

Weather Resistance:

The use of DURATOUGH material gives the Havok an edge in consistency across various weather conditions. Some competing heads may suffer from increased flexibility or decreased performance in extreme temperatures, whereas the Havok maintains its properties.

Customization:

While multiple stringing holes are not unique to the Havok, the combination of these options with its other features (like the Level 4 Bottom Rail) provides a high level of customization that may surpass some competitors.

Innovative Design:

The X-Rail Technology represents a innovative approach to head design. While other brands may have their own proprietary technologies, the stress distribution method of the X-Rail appears to be a unique feature in the market.

Overall, while there are certainly other high-quality defensive heads available, the Maverik Havok’s combination of innovative features, performance-enhancing technologies, and focus on the specific needs of elite LSMs and defensemen positions it as a top contender in its class.

Maintenance and Care for the Maverik Havok

To ensure the longevity and consistent performance of the Maverik Havok lacrosse head, proper maintenance and care are essential. How can players keep their Havok in top condition? Here are some key tips and best practices:

Cleaning:

• Regularly rinse the head with cool water to remove dirt and debris
• Use a soft brush to clean hard-to-reach areas
• Avoid harsh chemicals that could degrade the DURATOUGH material
• Allow the head to air dry completely before storage or use

Storage:

• Store the head in a cool, dry place away from direct sunlight
• Avoid leaving the head in extreme temperatures (hot cars, freezing garages)
• Use a head cover to protect from scratches and dust when not in use

String Maintenance:

• Regularly check and tighten strings to maintain pocket shape
• Replace worn or frayed strings promptly
• Consider professional restringing periodically for optimal performance

Impact Protection:

• Avoid unnecessary impacts that could stress the head structure
• Use proper technique during checks to minimize stress on the head
• Inspect the head regularly for signs of wear or damage

By following these maintenance guidelines, players can ensure that their Maverik Havok continues to perform at its best, game after game. The durability of the DURATOUGH material and the innovative design features contribute to the head’s longevity, but proper care is still crucial for maintaining its elite performance characteristics over time.

The Future of Defensive Lacrosse Equipment

The Maverik Havok represents a significant step forward in lacrosse head design, particularly for defensive players. What does this mean for the future of lacrosse equipment? The innovations seen in the Havok, such as the Ground Control technology and X-Rail design, suggest a trend towards increasingly specialized and high-performance equipment.

We may see future developments in areas such as:

• Advanced materials with even better strength-to-weight ratios
• More sophisticated scoop designs for improved ground ball control
• Integration of data-gathering sensors for performance analysis
• Further customization options to match individual playing styles
• Eco-friendly manufacturing processes and materials

As players continue to push the boundaries of the sport, equipment manufacturers like Maverik will likely respond with even more innovative designs. The Havok sets a high bar for performance and specialization, indicating that future lacrosse heads may become even more tailored to specific positions and playing styles.

The Maverik Havok Unstrung Lacrosse Head stands as a testament to the evolving nature of lacrosse equipment. Its blend of innovative design, advanced materials, and performance-enhancing features make it a top choice for elite defensemen and LSMs. As the sport continues to grow and evolve, products like the Havok will play a crucial role in shaping the future of lacrosse at all levels of play.

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“Longing Individualists”

• Opinion polls show that collectivism, “communality”, “conciliarity” of Russians is a myth; Russians are some of the world’s greatest individualists.
• People do not believe in collective action, are often unable to agree and prefer to solve problems on their own.
• The individualism of Russians is manifested in their low level of trust, in the absence of altruism.
• The communality characteristic of the Russian people was crushed by collectivization and subsequent actions of the Soviet government.
• Recently, there has been some demand for collective action and volunteering, but this requires institutions, a social structure.

Sergei Medvedev: Happy New Year! It’s a new year, but the questions are eternal. Are Russian people individualists or collectivists? More and more opinion polls show that the “communality”, “conciliarity” of Russians is nothing more than a myth. Details in the story of our correspondent.

Correspondent: The relationship between the collective and the individual is one of the basic questions of sociology. Today it is changing: more and more often, instead of stable and permanent associations, we see short-term but powerful ones.

Typically, democratic societies are based on a synthesis of the individual with the collective, that is, prosperity and competition are combined with joint management and collective struggle for rights. Sociologists say that today Russia is characterized by a failure of collectivity: people do not believe in collective action, are often unable to agree and prefer to solve problems on their own.The questions of why this is happening and what has the greatest impact on the formation of society today remain open.

Sergei Medvedev: Our guest is Boris Grozovsky , economic observer, and Grigory Yudin , professor at the Moscow School of Economics and Environmental Protection (Shaninki).

Grigory Yudin: To a large extent, talk about some kind of collectivism inherent in the Russian people today is not confirmed by any research data.We see that Russia, according to international research on values, each time reveals a very strong individualistic orientation, much stronger than, say, in the countries of Europe or America. In addition, the level of individualism in Russia is constantly growing. The country is also characterized by a very low level of interpersonal trust – this is also a hallmark of individualistic societies.

Sergei Medvedev: Is this a consequence of the failure of the market and public institutions during the last quarter of a century? After all, Soviet people believed much more in some kind of collective values, and the level of trust was higher.

People change: in one historical period they have one thing, and in another – another

Boris Grozovsky: People change: in one historical period they have one thing, and in another – another. And this very much depends on the institutions, on the political system, on the entire institutional matrix. It is probably correct to say that we were collectivists, at least in the last decade of the existence of the USSR, to the extent that the upbringing of the “new man” was successful. And of course, we have completely ceased to be collectivists over the past couple of decades.

Sergei Medvedev: If you take the classic English-language literature, they write about Russia that there were threats, there was a bad climate, there was a peasant community that survived only together, there was collective ownership of land, black redistribution. Where has this Russian community gone?

Grigory Yudin: The Russian community was completely demolished by collectivization.Actually, it was directed against her.

Sergei Medvedev: Collectivization, not 1861?

Grigory Yudin: It was a long process. But collectivization was a decisive blow. Still, the Zemstvo or Narodnaya Volya movement hoped that 1861 would release the energy associated with Russian collective life in order to rely on it. Another thing is that it did not always work, it worked only partly, but to some extent, this energy still became the basis for the revolutionary transformations of the early twentieth century. But then a decisive blow was struck – quite deliberately and purposefully, it was a way to destroy the community. Then she was finished off for some time.

And that is why today to seriously say that there is some kind of communal life left in Russia, or even at least something of it, is simply not to understand what communal life is. It is unclear to what extent life in a community is really based on unity, on a sense of belonging to something integral, on not independent but joint decision-making.Yes, of course, it is overwhelming – it’s true, but it also gives you the strength of support. And what is the strength of support today, at least somewhere, even at the peasant level? People feel lonely, abandoned, left alone with their worries. This is not a typical situation in community life.

Boris Grozovsky: Probably the only form where this remains at least a little bit, albeit in some reduced form, is the Old Believer communities.Well, and somewhere in the village people still calmly share money, throwing dozens of kilograms of potatoes to each other. These are all communal life forms.

Sergei Medvedev: In a big city, people who came from Dagestan or Ingushetia retain more collectivity than Russians?

Grigory Yudin: This is a standard argument: foreign ethnic groups, arriving in an unfamiliar environment, survive by creating dense communities with a very high level of trust.Due to this, they receive an additional resource. Of course, it works in ethnic communities. But these are some special cases. And of course, there is no need to talk about any Russian collectivism, Russian communal life.

Sergei Medvedev: In my opinion, this is not observed in the Russian diaspora abroad.

Grigory Yudin: Yes, this is not very typical for her.

Boris Grozovsky: This, of course, is the effect of collectivization and the entire Soviet break-up.After all, those countries where this breakdown was at least slightly less intense in intensity . .. If you look at how Armenians live in Armenia or Georgians in Georgia, then these are much more traditional forms of life, when everyone is connected with everyone. There people are familiar with whole neighborhoods, they calmly leave their children to neighbors.

Sergei Medvedev: It remained for a long time in the Soviet city, in a communal apartment – to refinance, share food …

Grigory Yudin

Grigory Yudin: We usually treat Soviet propaganda with skepticism and some mockery, but for some reason we still continue to consume the myth that Soviet people were collectivists.What kind of special collectivism was there? Rather, on the contrary, collectivism was still there, still unfinished, and the Soviet project was slowly blotting out it.

Boris Grozovsky: Rather, the Soviet government, the Communist Party with special services wanted people to be collectivists. And then the question: to what extent did they succeed? Apparently, in the 1920s and 1930s, they did more, and at the end of the 1960s and 1970s, less. What we see at Mayakovsky, Platonov …

Grigory Yudin: But even in Platonov one can see how his sense of collectivity changed from the 20s to the 30s.We open Happy Moscow and see its famous formula that love cannot be communism. Love is bad because it is not communist enough. This interaction is too private. He wants more. And now in “The Foundation Pit” we see a completely artificial, violent collectivity, the process of dispossession of kulaks. We see how this whole dream of Platonov is crumbling.

Sergei Medvedev: Marx wrote: why can’t there be a revolution in Russia? There was a stigma that Russian was an Asian mode of production, communality…

Grigory Yudin: Yes, but in Soviet times it was crushed by an asphalt roller. But do not forget what happened in the post-Soviet period. If in Soviet society there was some kind of potential for the development of collective life, then no one took advantage of it. And in the 90s we began to build a liberal democracy. And liberal democracy is, on the one hand, a market economy, elections and the protection of individual rights, but this is rather the liberal side of the matter.And the democratic side of the matter is local self-government, local initiative, professional associations. But by and large, no one did this. And starting from the 2000s, they began to just purposefully press it.

Sergei Medvedev: Like all sprouts of civil society.

Grigory Yudin: Yes, as well as local self-government, which has not been removed from the Constitution, and they have already started talking about it. Nowhere do professional associations have any power: everywhere the power of managers.And in this sense, since the 90s, we have consistently built not liberal democracy, but liberalism without democracy. This is a completely unbalanced situation. We do not have democratic institutions, which are in the same American society.

In general, in modern social science there is no rigid opposition between collectivism and individualism. The question is, how can these two things be reconciled? This is not a continuum, but two levels, and for a society to live in relative order and develop, both must exist.A traditional society, rigidly collectivist, does not develop, and an individualistic society, in which there is no collective life, is falling apart.

If we are talking about the current Russian situation, the problem is rather that we have a kind of developed individualistic orientation, but it does not lie on any basis of collective life. We value individual success. See who some talk shows on TV are showing us as samples. These are people who have achieved individual success.Did they do something good for the community? Nothing like this! But your individual success is appreciated, not someone else’s. The problem is all the time in order to feel the success of someone else, the personal development of another as something that is necessary and beneficial to me. But in order for this to be possible, a collective basis is necessary, otherwise I do not understand: and what to me with your success ?!

Sergei Medvedev: The concept of collective benefit.

To feel the importance of individual rights, you first need to feel collective rights and fight for them together

Grigory Yudin: Quite right.Therefore, in order to feel the significance of individual rights, you first need to feel collective, our common rights and fight for them together. After all, if we have no experience of joint struggle for these rights, then what do I care about your rights, I am interested in my own.

Boris Grozovsky: Therefore, with such difficulty comes the realization that property is not only a right, but also an encumbrance. You have to look after this property somehow. At the very least, she shouldn’t cause problems for other people.

And there are different collectivisms. There is collectivism in which we must all be the same …

Sergei Medvedev: Barracks communism.

Boris Grozovsky: And there is sociality, which presupposes some kind of communitarianism, that is, the collaboration of people in common work on projects. All modern design work is built on this new type of sociality.

Sergei Medvedev: I have read HeadHunter employers’ research.They say: “Nowhere in the world are people so few ready to work in a team as the Russians.”

Grigory Yudin: But you need to understand that this is a systemic problem. This is not due to some innate inability of people in Russia to work in a team. It is rather a general situation, which is purely ideologically based on pitting people against each other. We need to understand well what the ruling ideology teaches us: it teaches us to be afraid of each other and not to deal with the other. The other is terrible, there is some kind of chaos from him, he wants to harm you.And the only way to escape from him is to go under a strong boss who will lead you to the corners and not allow a clash.

Boris Grozovsky: Build a three-meter fence …

Grigory Yudin: Modern Russian institutions are fences. And interaction with another is either to ignore him, to shut himself off from him, or to run into him, but not to expect any elementary cooperativeness from him. All modern Russian ideology is based on this.

Sergei Medvedev: Where did this come from? My favorite example is car accidents in Moscow. I spent a week in Beijing, took a taxi and did not see any accidents. I arrive in Moscow and count seven accidents on the way from Domodedovo to my own home. In China, there is a concept of common interest: people are always ready to give in. And in Russia, the main question is who you are, and you must certainly prove that you have the right. And most of the accidents are from intransigence, from the lack of collective good, the ability to take collective action.And the Chinese in their anthill are capable of them.

Boris Grozovsky: The reflex that people in Russia have on the roads is to run over beforehand, regardless of what happened, and no matter who is to blame.

Sergei Medvedev: When and why did this happen? Still, the Soviet man of the 70s and 80s was not like that.

Grigory Yudin: This is a specific combination of post-Soviet fatigue, imposed artificial collectivity, in which no one believed, but to which everyone was forced.On the one hand, this is an attempt to break out of it. On the other hand, it was superimposed on the exploitation of the drive for success, motivation for individual achievements, for tough competition, for independent survival without relying on any help from society or others.

Sergei Medvedev: Like an allergy to Soviet ideology.

Grigory Yudin: It caused the pendulum to swing in a radically different direction.And people, tired of this imposed artificial collectivity, rushed to realize their individual freedoms under the slogan “I owe nothing to anyone.”

Boris Grozovsky

Boris Grozovsky: On the one hand, the old ideology evaporated at one point. On the other hand, a huge number of people have found themselves in a situation of survival, when what they have learned no longer helps them, and the career paths that they built in the early 80s do not work.It is not clear how to make money for a piece of bread, every man for himself. Maybe at first it was not a desire for individual success, but a desire for individual survival. This is a bit like the situation in the camp.

Sergei Medvedev: It is strange that survival has always led to collectivity: the presence of external risk led people to cooperate resources.

Grigory Yudin: In the Russian case, the problem of survival was partly solved with the help of collectivity.There is research that in the 90s there were strong so-called interfamily networks of mutual assistance. But this did not mean the creation of some kind of stable collective life. These are the networks of mutual support that are holding you back at the moment. As soon as there is some kind of economic cushion, they disintegrate. And this is the last resource we can rely on. We know that a society, when it is brought to some kind of hunger line, begins to use this resource effectively.But as soon as the great danger disappears, unbridled individualism and fierce competition dominate again. In this environment, Russian people feel more comfortable.

What is the shocking effect of the current tough pension reform? Not even that some monetary resources were taken away from someone. This is rather another indication that all your previous calculations, preparations, all your life strategy do not make sense: there is no point in planning anything, always rely only on yourself at a given moment.

Sergei Medvedev: This is the behavior of people abandoned by the state.

Grigory Yudin: Yes.

Sergei Medvedev: After all, they said that a Soviet person is a dependent, dependent, he is used to relying on the state. Has it all completely disappeared? The Soviet man was absolutely dependent, and suddenly individualists grew up through the animal experience of survival?

Grigory Yudin: Do not underestimate the significance of the reforms that were carried out in the 90s and are still being carried out.Reforms to cut off the responsibility of the state continue until 2018, as we can clearly see in the latest examples. And they still have quite a lot of potential. Therefore, we see all this aggravated “wonderful” rhetoric that “no one owes you anything, sort it out yourself.”

It is generally accepted that these reforms were unsuccessful and did not change anything. But in a social sense, they just changed a lot and achieved exactly what they were supposed to achieve: the imposition of an individualistic ethic of responsibility for oneself and indifference to others.On the other hand, this whole doctrine of the Soviet man is rather contradictory. Yes, on the one hand, he is such a collectivist, dependent, and so on. On the other hand, Levada, and then Gudkov, admitted that this is actually not so much a community-type collectivity as atomization. If you need to describe the current state in one word, then this is not “collectivism” or “individualism”, but rather “atomization”, individualism of the atomized type, loss, isolation from any social ties.And in fact, this was traced from the very beginning.

Sergei Medvedev: How important is the role of altruism in modern Russia? Is the person ready to commit some kind of volunteer action?

Grigory Yudin: What we usually take for collectivism is banal envy, which is rather an excess of individualism. Collectivism, which we would like, is more connected with solidarity, mutual assistance and participation in some kind of collective projects.The pendulum of individualism has swung so far that people increasingly feel the need to participate in collective projects. Otherwise, it is not very clear what other life goals are left behind by today’s Russian life. In addition to growing consumption, what else can be done in this very mode of “I owe nothing to anyone and want to have this and that”? People are starting to react to this, and we see more and more projects focused on finding some kind of collective action opportunity.This could be volunteering or local government, for which there is now an explicit request.

Even the most recent stories with regional elections show that to a large extent this is a reaction to the concentration of power in the center and a complete disregard for local sociality. Therefore, to a large extent, these elections are purely protest. Recently, we have seen an increasingly clear demand for solidarity and joint action. Another thing is that it is difficult, because it is unprofitable for the state.

Boris Grozovsky: When people have at least small resources of time, effort or money, they are ready to invest it in a common cause. But this surplus is very small. Moreover, such voluntary collectivity and solidarity constantly competes with the collectivity imposed by the state. The voluntary association of autonomous people is possible when these autonomous people have not been gathered together and told to walk right or left.

Another important thing: the state does not seem to set the standards.We have almost no clear examples when we can say: oh, a person earned money and disposed of his capital in this way (built a school, a hospital, and so on). There are such examples, but there are only a few of them, and many of them are dubious. As a result, it turns out that the state minimizes its obligations, as we see in the example of the pension reform, but this is what causes the opposite reaction among people. You minimize your obligations to me, which means that I don’t owe you anything else. This pushes into individualism, when everyone is for himself.

Grigory Yudin: All projects of this kind, built on solidarity, face natural fear. Once you start dealing with others, at some point you have to negotiate, limit your own interest, and so on. At this moment, people have a long-standing fear: “Isn’t this the same as it was during the Soviet Union? I don’t want to go back to the USSR, so let me be on my own and without you.” And this is a challenge for all collective projects.

Sergei Medvedev: It seems to me that these collective projects arise every time from problems, from threats.

Grigory Yudin: In conditions of such disunity as in Russia, it is easiest to build collectivity negatively, in response to something.

Boris Grozovsky: The initial stimulus can be negative. But as a reaction to renovation, for example, some local communities arise, which then do not disintegrate, but begin to solve some of their own issues that are no longer directly related to renovation.

The state in Russia is lucky with the population: these are people who are not capable of collective protest actions

Sergei Medvedev: The state in Russia is lucky with the population: these are people who are not capable of collective protest actions. In France, the entire end of last year is the Yellow Vests movement. Here’s an unexpected gigantic surge of French collectivity! In Russia, nothing of the kind is even close to impossible.

Grigory Yudin: I think it is more than possible, and we will see it in the nearest foreseeable future.It’s just that Russia is characterized by the fact that it sways strongly from side to side. Such surges in our country can be even stronger than the more or less moderate and relatively controlled surge in France. In Russia, the pendulum is already reaching such an extent that then it unfolds to the end. We love extremes.

Boris Grozovsky: If you protest, then burn the noble estates, and that’s all!

Sergei Medvedev: “Yellow vests” are still operating in this regard.To what extent is this French metaphor applicable to contemporary Russian society?

Boris Grozovsky: I don’t know. I am not as optimistic as Gregory. It does not seem to me that in the coming years we will see an upsurge in collective action, simply because for every such voluntary association there are riot police, the Russian Orthodox Church, the Russian Guard, which rather quickly bring all this to “normal”.

Grigory Yudin: There are two main directions in which this collectivity can develop.On the one hand, these are some local movements, local associations, professional associations, for which there is always a request. On the other hand, this is what is more characteristic of the modern world. After all, we are still in a certain global trend associated with the fact that human sociality is changing, more and more often assuming the character of sudden mass surges. What’s the problem with the Yellow Vests now? It is not clear with whom to talk there, what their requirements are, how it is possible to agree with them about something.

Sergei Medvedev: The laws of the Internet even more explain such instant excitement of large masses of people.

Boris Grozovsky: Already the “Arab Spring” was like this.

Sergei Medvedev: I think that for the people who make decisions in the Kremlin, this is one more confirmation of why one should be afraid of any form of collectivity, any mobilization of civil society.

Boris Grozovsky: I just think this is a very dangerous logic. It would be better now to allow some more or less socialized local forms of collectivity, because the further you push it, the stronger this sudden splash will be later, which you cannot predict. And this, at least, can be controlled. There is someone to talk to. Reasonable power is rather interested in the fact that such forms were under control, with them it was possible to conduct a dialogue and make concessions to them.

Sergei Medvedev: I remember 2012 – a completely unexpected surge of this collectivity at Occupy Abai: unexpectedly tens of thousands of people came, organized themselves, arranged shifts and lectures.This suggests that the fear of collectivity is external, imposed. Collectivity exists. People are ready for collective action, for volunteering. But it is necessary to create institutions, a social structure for this, and then together we can work out a public good.

90,000 “In an era of chaos, individualism wins”

Irina Khakamada, business coach, designer and ex-politician , told Rosbalt how to become a successful person in our “turbulent” time, while remaining free even in the country of despots.

– Irina Mutsuovna, you are talking about your master classes: “I teach things that, in principle, are not taught by Western technologists.” It is interesting. In the West, there are many methods of how to be successful both in your career and in life – and there they work. And we have? There are tons of such literature on the shelves of bookstores. Do I need to adapt it to Russian reality, the perception and mentality of our people?

– Any technique or model born in one country needs to be adapted in order to be applied in another.Since the national character and traditions have been developing over the centuries. Of course, it is possible to impose new institutions and rules, according to which, for example, business will operate. And then everyone will have to obey these rules. But institutions are people too! .. This means that you have formally created institutions, but they will function in a specific way. Therefore, everything needs to be adapted – and what I read, too.

Every time I say to my listeners: “Don’t use anything blindly!” You must first grasp the meaning and the tools, and then try and adapt them to yourself.This is already the East, not the West: you need to be comfortable with these instruments yourself. Because violence doesn’t help. A person by nature does not like to overcome anything much, and even if he overcomes and learns something by heart, then this is not always beneficial. I see in my classes a huge number of managers who have gone through a terrible number of trainings and, it seems, know everything – but they do not use it.

– There is an eastern proverb on this topic: “You can bring a horse to a watering place, but you cannot make it drink” …

Russians are promised real rights

– Well, of course.After all, the same is with democracy: we took the Western European model – a little bit from Germany, a little bit from France, a little bit from the USA – we combined everything according to textbooks and decided, despite our national character and history, to try in a short time implement it. It was implemented formally, but did not work.

– You somehow named the numbers: if, say, 400 people listen to your master class, then of them, perhaps, only five decide to change their lives, and only three of them succeed.Or in general – at one. But even this is already very good …

– And there is. But then all the rest of these four hundred are charged with energy. This is also good, because a non-energetic person is not capable of anything at all. Unfortunately, if you do nothing further, then the energy quickly disappears. Two or three days – and she’s gone. This means that you need to support it with independent actions. You need some kind of inner impetus, and more than one, personal motivation.

– Do the methods of achieving success work on Russian soil in our turbulent times? Or do we have only our own concepts, “our own wedding”, and people, as a rule, get out of their own problems without learning anything?

Stagnant like a lost paradise

– You mentioned two completely different factors. If people believe that their self-realization depends on them, then they can be taught something. And if they do not believe, then it is impossible. Unfortunately, in Russia, by and large, only extremely energetic people – somewhere from 8 to 12% of the population – can change their lives and believe in themselves, regardless of the environment. The rest cannot, because they do not have such energy, and the environment does not stimulate individualism and creative qualities, on the contrary, forcing them to be gray and submissive.

The turbulence of society and the era is another factor.This, pardon the pseudoscience of the phrase, the unpredictability of events due to their enormous fluidity and the rapidity of their change under the influence of differently acting and multidirectional simultaneous factors. This is a specific trend that has swept the whole world: an order of a very high level, which no institution created in the past can calculate and predict.

If you want to pick up different waves in such conditions and move at the same speed, then you yourself must be unpredictable and always listen to your intuition – every second and in different directions. And this, of course, is a half eastern, half western thing. It does not lend itself to technological formalization in everything in the form of step-by-step instructions: “first, do this, then this, then that …” No, today it is more interesting for a person to self-actualize. It is no longer possible to live only with reason and methods – they often simply do not work.

– Are these 8-12% of people who want and are able to learn to succeed – is the value constant, or does it vary depending on a particular society and country?

– It changes all the time, both in Russia and, say, in America.But here it will change more slowly, because the environment is not conducive. And just as slowly, for example, in Japan – where, despite the competition, the traditions of the corporate family spirit do not really allow creative individuals to manifest themselves.

Why did the West manage to overtake the East

Meanwhile, today, in an era of chaos, individualism is triumphant. Any successful team or corporation with the help of high technologies builds itself from the inside as a network in which there are no rigid hierarchical levels, people freely communicate with each other, everyone is equal and everyone is creative in their own way.It is a combination of solidarity between individuals.

And we have a different model, which descends to society “from above”. This is primarily a system of subordination and loyalty. Such a scheme in the conditions of chaos destroys both business and specific people.

– It is believed that in the West, especially in America, success in career and in everything else is elevated to the absolute. And in Russia the philosophy is such that “the circumstances are still stronger”, “I alone can’t do anything”, “everyone lives like this” – in general, “life is like that, and therefore nothing will work out for me”.Probably, it is especially difficult to teach people to be successful here?

– The success model can be different. America is known to be a Dream Society. Where there really are institutions and foundations that can help any person who works a lot and is talented to rise from below to the very top. We do not have them. First of all, we have loyalty. If you are loyal, and even more so if you are an official, then you will slowly climb anywhere. And if he is just very smart, then hardly.

The greatness of ideas overshadows the wretchedness of life

Creative people can only do everything voluntarily – including loyalty and love for their homeland. But they create alternative projects that correspond to the future, not the past … We have such people, as a rule, under pressure.

But the model of success in Russia will still be transformed. In America, success is primarily about money and status. In the Soviet Union, the corresponding status and work in the specialty were considered success, and money did not matter much. In the era of consumption of the 90s, money came out on top, and education had no price at all. And now the status has come to the fore again. Because if you have a status close to power, then you have everything.

– What model do you have?

– And mine is generally different. It has nothing to do with the American or the one that developed in Russia. And thanks to my model, I live happily. What is it? In the first place – do what you like, but in a way that is for people too.Second, do your job professionally so that you get paid for it with money that is acceptable to you. Surround yourself with people you like, like-minded people – that is, those who are on the same wavelength with you, regardless of political views. And do not try to be good for everyone: strive to get a mandate of trust from those people who understand you and who are of interest to you.

– You once said: “We have a country of despots. We are all little despots, we were raised that way. A country of endless verticals and subordination.The country of horizontals and equal partnerships is not about us. We have almost everyone, just give them the opportunity, trying to crush everyone who at least somehow depends on him … “Well, how then can an ordinary person, not a” crusher “, survive in such a situation and remain free?

– Firstly, it is an eternal struggle. To survive in it, you must have a considerable amount of energy. And it is possible. I spent 12 years in politics and did not give up any of my life values.I was an independent deputy in the 90s, and when I was offered to go to work in the ministry, I was a minister without a support group, without a “roof”. But she was able to find allies, carried out her proposals on tax cuts, and Putin agreed to this. At that moment even he became my ally, because he liked the idea of ​​supporting a small business.

The rules of success for me then were as follows: be bright, talented, professional, learn on the go, bastard from your energy, from the fact that you do not depend on anyone – and do not be afraid . .. I follow the same rules today.

Then I joined the team – already as an equal. She became a co-chairman of the Union of Right Forces. And then she fought again when we lost the elections, and the entire leadership of the Union of Right Forces refused to participate in the presidential campaign. I went alone, the party did not support me …

That is, if you want to work anywhere, including the vertical of power, you must understand that you will pay for it with your freedom and independence. You will not become president or prime minister, but you will pass at least five good laws and at the same time save yourself by becoming a high professional.You will have to go against the crowd and other State Duma deputies. Sometimes – and against his party, but in an open struggle, and not with the help of desertions, denunciations and betrayal.

Where does the “clique society” go?

This is the normal path of the individualist and of any person who began to walk towards himself, despite the surrounding standards. If you want to be independent, you must understand that this is not a freeman – “I do what I want”. This means that you will be aware of all your responsibility and will get fewer gingerbreads due to more work, but retain the energy of youth and a clear mind.And most importantly, save yourself. Life is given once, but it will no longer be on this earth. It cannot be all about a career. At 90 years old, you can’t swallow your career and stick it anywhere. I’ll have to remember something.

– You can’t take anything with you …

– You will only take away memories in your last moments. They should be great.

– You once said: “I want 30% of the population in Russia to be similar in behavior to me.Now there are 0.5% of such people. ” Do you think this ratio will ever change for the better?

– Sure! It may take decades. There are still few individualists and creative people. But if Russia wants to be a competitive country, it will come to the conclusion that the main thing is not oil or gas, but Russians – creative, independent, free people with a long tradition of individualism. And we are actually individualists, but able to work in a team.A creative person like Lefty, who can shoe even a flea according to his mood, will not do anything without his mood. There are pluses in this, with this quality of personality we can win.

We’ll tear everyone apart beautifully!

It’s another matter, through what exactly we will come to this, what obstacles will have to be overcome, into what chasms we will have to fall and rise from them, how many sacrifices will be laid for the sake of success …

– Have you become disenchanted with the ability of our society to become civil and not loyal? It seems that the rejection of Russia abroad is due to the fact that they gave up on us: they say, these Russians cannot be altered, so it is better to push them somewhere at all …

– Regarding the West, you are right – it is so.And I was not disappointed in the Russians. It’s just that, as a political person who knows the laws and technologies of mass brain processing, I understand perfectly well the pressure of the authorities at any level that people are under, what they receive in the form of information, how public opinion is created. It’s hard for people to resist. We cannot demand from every heroic deed. Otherwise it will not be a country, not life, but a continuous war …

I am disappointed, perhaps, by the way the leaders behave, not realizing that they are destroying the most important wealth of Russia.But at the same time, she did not lose faith in the people themselves. The fact is that the environment does not stimulate them to show their best qualities.

– They say that the crisis is stress, but it mobilizes. They say that a person wakes up the strength to move forward, and he can jerk so that later he will be only grateful to the crisis …

– Yes, that’s right.

– This may be true for a specific person. And for the country?

Ailments of the Russian economy

– For the country – too.We can see this even in our arrangement. Everything, in general, is still sad, but, on the other hand, we have somehow figured out our economy. It is still ineffective, but the Kremlin telescope has finally begun to point in the direction of what is happening inside us.

– The telescope is already rusted, though …

– Yes, with a creak, but he turns.

– And where is the line beyond which the crisis ceases to mobilize society and awaken new forces in it?

– This, you know, according to Carnegie – when all institutions of economic management reach the limit of their competence, but do not want to leave.Then a crisis begins – not only economic, but also political and total behavioral. And then there is a collapse.

– Can methods like yours change only a specific person, a group of people, or, in the long term, the whole society?

– If everyone does this, then maybe that’s all. But I can only help individuals. I do my job, drop by drop. As another Eastern proverb says, “the road of a thousand li begins with the first step.”And I take my little steps.

Interviewed by Vladimir Voskresensky

90,000 methodological construct of scientific research – the topic of a scientific article on philosophy, ethics, religious studies read the text of the research work for free in the electronic library CyberLeninka

largely depends on how relationships develop between people, socio-cultural institutions in any area of ​​public life – legal, economic, political, religious, etc.d.

REFERENCES

1. See: P. Gilbert Compassion: Conceptualisations, research, and use in psychotherapy. N.Y .: Routledge, 2005.416 p.

2. See: Post S.G., Underwood L. G., Schloss J.P., Hurlbut W.B. (eds.). Altruism and Altruistic Love: Science, Religion and Philosophy in Dialogue: Science Philosophy and Religion in Dialogue. N.Y .: Oxford University Press, 2002.522 p.

3. Oveis C., Horberg E.J., Keltner D. Compassion, Pride, and Social Intuitions of Self-Other Similarity //

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 2010. Vol. 98. No. 4. P. 618-630.

4. See: E.G. Logunova. The Phenomenon of Mercy: An Experience of Socio-Philosophical Analysis. Abstract of thesis. dis. … Cand. Philos. sciences. Izhevsk. 2012.20 s.

5. Stepanov Yu.S. Constants: Dictionary of Russian Culture. Moscow: Academic Project, 2001.990 p. P. 43.

6. Lavik-Goodall J. Wang. In the shadow of a man. Moscow: Mir, 1974. 208 p. S. 157.

7. See: Yu.I. Semenov. At the dawn of human history. M .: Mysl ‘, 1989.319 p. S. 226-231.

8.Fromm E. Anatomy of human destructiveness. Moscow: Republic, 1994.447 p. P. 148.

9. Heizinga J. Autumn of the Middle Ages. Moscow: Nauka, 1988.540 p. P. 25.

June 13, 2013

UDC 101.1: 316

INDIVIDUALISM IN RUSSIA: METHODOLOGICAL STRUCTURE OF SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH

V.P. Voitenko

Individualism in Russia for a long time remained the subject of purely abstract theoretical reasoning. According to Russian philosophers, manifestations of Western individualism in Russia are suppressed by such a quality of the Russian people as conciliarism.

However, they believe that in Russia there is always a place for individualism, imbued with Orthodox religious intentions. So, A.S. Khomyakov, noting the opposition of Russian collegiality to Western individualism, identifies Russian individualism with complete individual freedom and religious sincerity of an Orthodox Christian [1]. According to G.P. Fedotov, individualism in Russia is manifested in the Orthodox attitude towards the individual and its religious, purely mystical, path [2].

Voitenko Valeria Petrovna – Postgraduate student of the Department of Philosophy and Cultural Studies of the Southern Federal University, 344006, g.Rostov-on-Don, st. Pushkinskaya, 160, e-mail: [email protected], t. +79281509309;

N.A. Berdyaev connects Russian individualism with a heightened personality consciousness. However, according to the philosopher, “the communitarianism of the Russian people and impersonal collectivism oppose the development of individualism in Russia” [3]. S.L. Frank also believes that Russian spiritual collectivism is opposed to Western individualism, but concepts such as “personal freedom”, “individuality” are inherent in Russian society, being a strong foundation of its collectivism and conciliarism [1].

It should be noted that in the Soviet era, individualism in Russia was not studied, since it was considered as a “bourgeois conquest”, a manifestation of possessiveness, backwardness and antisocial egoism.

In the post-Soviet period, interest in individualism is reviving. A.G. Dugin PO

Valeria Voytenko – postgraduate student of the Department of Philosophy and Culturology at the Southern Federal University, Pushkinskaya street, 160, Rostov-on-Don, 344006, e-mail: leravvp @ mail.ru, t. +79281509309

states that the absence of a Western form of individualism in Russia was influenced, first of all, by Orthodoxy, which has its own idea of ​​society and the place of the church and faith in it. And this view is categorically at odds with Western individualism. For an Orthodox Christian, faith is not only an individual issue, a personal choice of a person and a problem of the subject, the inner world, but it includes the necessity and dimension of social life and normative views on the nature of the surrounding world [4].A.V. Lubsky and R.A. Lubsky note that the prohibitive type of aggressive anti-individualism dominates in the sociocentric Russian society, the basis of which is corporate envy and the principle of equalizing justice. At the same time, he emphasizes that personal self-determination is also inherent in a person in a sociocentric society, “but this gives rise to an internal conflict in him between predetermination and freedom. The forms of resolving this conflict in the Russian cultural archetype are “going to the desert” or “foolishness in the world” ”[5, p.thirty].

It should be noted that individualism in Russia has become the subject of socio-philosophical study. However, this study was based on the personal attitude of Russian philosophers to individualism. In addition to the individual-personal approach in social philosophy, there is another approach – a transdisciplinary one. The transdisciplinary approach is a metatheory, going beyond the disciplinary division of scientific knowledge. Transdisciplinarity is a generalization of the results obtained in different scientific disciplines.Therefore, in order to develop a socio-philosophical concept of individualism in Russia at the transdisciplinary level, it is necessary to find out how, within the framework of different scientific disciplines, researchers study individualism.

Thus, G. Hofstede and F. Trompenaars conducted comparative ethnometric studies, which included measuring the individualism index in different countries, including Russia. At the same time, the difference between the studies was in the content-

90,024 filling of the concept of “individualism”. G. Hofstede understood individualism as the preference of people to take care only of themselves and their own families [6]. F. Trompenaars considered individualism as the domination of the interests of the individual (personal happiness, achievements and well-being) over the interests of the group [7]. Domestic sociologists also conduct ethnometric studies of individualism in Russia. Yu.V. Latov and N.V. Latova consider individualism as a special form of worldview that emphasizes the priority of personal goals and interests, the freedom of the individual from society [8].

Within the framework of social psychology, G. Triandis considered individualism as a special form of worldview, in which one’s own beliefs, feelings and emotions are in the first place, as opposed to relationships with other people [9].

Within the framework of cultural studies, P.L. Berger and S. Huntington proposed to consider individualism as a special ideology of global culture, which helps to destroy traditions and the spirit of collectivism, to realize the ultimate value of global culture – personal freedom [10].

Thus, individualism has not yet been studied at the transdisciplinary level. In this regard, the aim of the study is to develop a methodology for the socio-philosophical study of individualism in Russia.

Within the framework of a transdisciplinary socio-philosophical construct, individualism can be viewed as a lifestyle. Lifestyle is a definite organization of thinking and activity.Lifestyle is defined as the way people behave on a daily basis in accordance with their own needs and attitudes within the possibilities created by the way of life. Clarifying this idea of ​​the lifestyle, we note that it is a special organization of thinking and life of people in the sphere of everyday life. Accordingly, individualism as a lifestyle is characterized, on the one hand, by a special style of thinking, and on the other, by a specific style of everyday life.

In scientific literature, the style of thinking is understood as the totality of its attitudes,

90,024 methods, principles, “implemented both within the framework of the thought process itself, i. e.That is, in consciousness, and externally, verbally or in any material action, deed, behavior and lifestyle. “The style of thinking is based on a certain paradigm that determines its practice. But unlike the paradigm of thinking, its style is actual, direct practice of thinking, its actions based on this paradigm [5, p. 32].

Individualism is characterized by a goal-rational paradigm of thinking, which presupposes the intrinsic value of a person as a unique personality and its focus on itself as the center of cognition and activity.This paradigm is focused on the specific outcome of social action and the effectiveness of social technologies. A person who thinks rationally considers reason to be the main method of cognition, the most reliable, reliable, most perfect tool for finding truth. A rationalist, according to V.A. Kuvakina, – appreciates science, sees in it the most vivid and fruitful manifestation of the rational abilities of people. A person placed by rational thinking at the center of the universe ignores any transcendental will.He believes that a person with an individualistic type of thinking is characterized by an attitude to recognize the importance of not only “their”, but also “other’s” ideas and values, an interested attitude towards them in terms of the need for mutual understanding, as well as assimilation and use in their own spiritual practice and social behavior [eleven].

The individualistic style of thinking is logical and analytical, which allows a rational person to be dynamic, active and pragmatic.A person with an individualistic style of thinking operates with such concepts as morality, truth, beauty and benefit in cognitive dissociation [5, p. 33].

The style of everyday life is based on various personal intentions (aspirations) of individuals. M.E. Ille identifies three such basic intentions: “to be like everyone else”, “to be different”, “to be different”, which are acquired in the process of socialization. “Be like everyone else” is an intention that

presupposes a striving for individual, space-time uniformity.This aspiration provides society with stability by preserving traditions and mutual understanding. The intention “to be different” is expressed in the individual’s desire to go beyond the “dull everyday life and the framework of his own” I. “This desire, according to M.V. Ille, is expressed in the need to” live “a new life. The intention to” be different “is the desire The intention to “be different” is the individual’s desire for individual-spatial diversity and individual-temporal diversity, which consists in the desire to “be different” in relation to himself, and not in relation to others, surrounding [12 ].It is this intention that is characteristic of the individualistic lifestyle.

A person whose style of life is based on the intention “to be different” perceives the world as chaos, which he must order with his transforming power. The virtues of such a person are activity and intensity, a sense of personal freedom and personal responsibility, relying on their own actions and their own destiny.

To realize the desire to “be different”, a high level of social mobility in society, value, high significance of personal success in all spheres of social life, as well as independence are required.The desire to “be different” encourages a person to be entrepreneurial, proactive, independent of thought and action. This intention can be realized mainly by changing the system of values, ideological attitudes, creating social channels for the realization of personal potential.

Thus, within the framework of the transdisciplinary socio-philosophical methodology of studying individualism in Russia, the first task is to determine the structure of individualism in Russia through a special style of thinking and a special style of life.Since transdisciplinary philosophy is a multidimensional construct, the second task of the study of individualism in Russia is to identify factors

individualism in Russian society, which include the following: features of local civilizational development, characteristic features of the social structure, in particular the type of society itself, the type of normative personality, as well as modernization transformations of Russian society.Such a methodological construct will reveal the characteristic features and characteristics of individualism in Russia.

REFERENCES

1. Frank S. Russian worldview // Library thinking about Russia [Electronic resource]. URL: http://www.patriotica.ru/religion/frank_rus_mir.html

2. Somin N.V. G.P. Fedotov: “to save the truth of socialism with the truth of the spirit and the truth of socialism to save the world” // Orthodox socialism as a Russian idea [Electronic resource].URL: http: //www.chri-soc. narod. ru / G_P_Fedotov. htm.

3. Berdyaev N. Russian idea. M .: MAST: Astrel: Poligrafizdat, 2010.286 p. S. 7.

4. Dugin A. Teaching of the Orthodox tradition about the normative society // Eurasia: information and analytical portal [Electronic resource]. URL: http://www.evrazia.org/article/1596

5. Lubsky A.V., Lubsky R.A. Man in Russia and in the West: Concepts of Discursive Thinking // Scientific Thought of the Caucasus. 2012. No. 4. S. 27-36.

6. Hofstede G. Culture’s Consequences: Intern Differences in Work-Related Values. Beverly Hills, L., 1980.327 p.

7. Trompenaars F. Resolving International Conflict: Culture and Business Strategy // London Business School. 1996. Vol. 7 (3). P. 51-68.

8.Latov Yu.V., Latova N.V. Russian economic mentality against the global background // Social sciences and modernity. 2001. No. 4. S. 34-43.

9. Triandis G.K. Individualism and Collectivism: Past, Present and Future // Psychology and Culture / Ed. D. Matsumoto. SPb .: Peter, 2003.718 p. S. 73-97.

10. Berger P., Huntington S. The Many Faces of Globalization: Cultural Diversity in the Modern World.Moscow: Aspect Press, 2004.379 p.

11. See: V.A. Kuvakin. Your heaven and hell: Humanity and inhumanity of man (Philosophy, psychology and thinking style of humanism). SPb .: “Aleteya”; M .: “Logos”, 1998. S. 116-136.

12. See: Ille M.E. On the question of the subject of sociology // Socio-political journal. 1994. No. 11-12. S. 101-112.

April 23, 2013

UDC 356.132.08: 330.1

ECONOMIC CULTURE OF CUSTOMS: PROBLEMS OF CONCEPTUALIZATION

O.V. Evgrafova

The most important task of the customs system is to protect the country’s economic interests in foreign economic activity. Undoubtedly, the main thing in improving the work of this system is the training of personnel, in particular, the formation of an economic culture among customs officers that is adequate to the tasks being solved.

But special theoretical attention to this aspect of the activities of employees of customs authorities and services is almost

Evgrafova Olga Vladimirovna – Candidate of Philosophy, Senior Lecturer of the Department of Economic Theory of the Rostov Branch of the Russian Customs Academy, 344002, Rostov-on-Don, 20 Budennovsky Ave., e-mail: [email protected], t. 8 (863) 2180727.

is not paid, publications on this topic are extremely difficult to find.In particular, the IPS “Yandex”, upon a corresponding request for May-June 2013, does not provide among hundreds of links any with the name “economic culture of a customs officer”. In this situation, it remains to rely on a few works on the professional culture of customs officers – civil servants, containing some model requirements for customs officers (personal obligations, compliance with laws, used

Olga Evgrafova – Ph.D. in Philosophy, senior lecturer of the Department of Economic Theory at the Russian Customs Academy, Rostov Branch, 20, Budennovskiy Prospect, Rostov-on-Don, 344002, e-mail: dia7 @ bk.ru, tel. +7 (863) 2180727.

Mezhdunarodnaya Zhizn – Archive 5th issue of 2011 “Date revolutions”: elements or “controlled chaos”?

In the recent wave of revolutionary events that swept across North Africa and successfully dismantled a whole set of political regimes that previously seemed absolutely stable and unshakable, a number of peculiarities stand out.

First, they all developed (and in the case of Libya – continue to develop) according to the same scenario, or “revolutionary” template, very similar to the scenario of “color revolutions”.

Secondly, “revolutions” in various states of North Africa broke out almost simultaneously, which almost always excludes any element of chance and presupposes a high level of coordination (in time) from a foreign “revolutionary center” or the fact that a special operation was carefully planned by external forces.

Despite the fairly widespread opinion regarding the Maghreb countries, which asserts that these states are a kind of tracing of each other, a clear similarity between them is observed only in the forms of political regimes and the time of their leaders in power.As for the rest (in the level of social tension, the degree of resolution of social problems, the standard of living and economic stability), they differ quite noticeably. That is why playing on common problems of a socio-economic nature cannot cause a simultaneous explosion of the political situation in all these countries. But it is quite enough to mask the true reasons for the “date revolutions” and explain what is happening (of course, in a certain light) to external observers – the UN, the European community, the rest of the Arab world, etc.

Third, the cause of the “fire” that plunged the most stable and “European” country, Tunisia, into political chaos, was a very special case: the self-immolation of a local resident. Nevertheless, this immediately served as a signal for the start of an armed rebellion, which in a matter of days covered the whole country.

At the same time, organizing a rebellion is practically impossible without thorough preliminary preparation, recruiting militants and rallying them into battle groups, a clear system of coordination, material support and, most importantly, the accumulation in the zone of the future conflict of significant financial resources intended to feed the “revolutionary struggle” …The latter cannot be delivered to the conflict zone instantly, and even more so if the rebellion has already begun. Without external financial support, none of today’s “revolutions” stand a chance against legitimate authority.

Fourthly, the “flame of revolution” engulfed the states of North Africa in turn, strictly in a certain order, which also suggests thoughts: for example, in nature, a forest or steppe fire spreads in a circular wave, capturing all adjacent territories, if, of course, its no one deliberately directs in the right direction.Here, there is a clear selectivity: Tunisia – Egypt – Libya – Syria – Bahrain – Yemen, etc. At the same time, Algeria, Morocco and other African countries, which have similar social problems and are distinguished by the same “conservatism” of political regimes, remained on the sidelines.

In the language of psychological operations specialists and technologists of “color revolutions”, this phenomenon is called “controlled chain reaction” and is an indispensable element of any modern technology of “color revolutions”.In this technology, any intermediate results of the “revolutionary upsurge of the popular masses” in one country become the initiating reason that launches the flywheel of the “revolution” (or armed rebellion) in the next country from the list previously outlined by foreign “revolutionaries” (the true authors of the “revolution”). At the same time, the sequence of following the “flashing” countries in a controlled chain reaction is strictly observed: after all, the initiating impulse awakens not the civic position of society suppressed by the next authoritarian regime, but the “homework” of political strategists who have been preparing this “revolution” for a long time and implementing the corresponding ideology in mass consciousness of the population.And for each specific country, these “blanks” – their own.

In these processes, it gives out the technology not only in the order in which countries break out, but also the high speed of propagation of such a chain reaction: this is possible only with a high degree of external coordination of the events taking place. Only in this case, in their mass, they cease to be separate random fragments of a mosaic picture and acquire the character of a scenario in which all episodes are interconnected within a single plan, which has very specific goals, tasks and the sequence of their implementation.

Fifth, there is another key element of color revolution technology in the “revolutions” in North Africa and the Middle East: it is a feedback mechanism that is indispensable in any special operation. Its essence is as follows: the initial scenario of the “revolution” is run around on the example of one country, then it is corrected (using the feedback mechanism) and, in the form of another iteration, is launched with respect to the next country on the list. Then the correction procedure is repeated again.At the same time, adherence to the priority in applying the technologies of “revolutions” to selected countries is mandatory – this technique allows you to take into account and correct errors in the initial scenario in time, quickly adapt it to the delicate specifics of the region, which, as a rule, manifests itself already in the process of implementing the initial plan.
This is the flexibility of modern technologies of “color revolutions” and at the same time their main unmasking feature.

And finally, in all “revolutions” in the countries of North Africa, one fact is alarming: the strange absence of an obligatory component of any revolution – revolutionary ideology.Meanwhile, real revolutionaries are idealists: their revolutionary struggle is based either on high ideals (freedom, equality, fraternity, justice) or on the ideas of national liberation movements. Nevertheless, there is nothing of the kind in the Arab “revolutions” at all: there is a motley protest movement, which is quickly turning into a “political crowd”, the main goal of which is to overthrow the current legitimate government in the person of its specific representatives, on the one hand, and pogroms – with another.At the same time, the “revolutionary” crowd does not put forward any alternative political program – the people’s anger is purely personified and has nothing against the political system itself. The purpose of such a “revolution” is to ensure that, on a thoroughly “warmed up” wave of popular anger, new faces come to power, who, perhaps, are no better than the previous ones, but possess the romantic halo of “revolutionaries”. Possessing this aura, these people may have neither a known past, nor merit to the country and generally emerge from the political chaos at the very last moment.For any world leaders whose interests lie in the region, this is the best moment to bring their henchmen to power.

The absence of revolutionary ideology, oddly enough, gives out in the events in North Africa the handwriting characteristic of the Anglo-Saxons and their special psychological operations. Thus, the technologies of “color revolutions” are well known and have been tested on the example of several dozen countries, including the states of Central Asia, which have a predominantly Muslim population.The recent attempt by the British and Americans to organize a “green revolution” in Iran is well known. However, unlike countries that are guided by Western liberal values ​​and the psychology of individualism, the stereotyped ideology of “color revolutions” does not work in traditional Eastern societies: in the East, where the communal and tribal way of life has been preserved, the interests of the individual are nothing, and the interests of the community are everything. …

A person in the East never realizes himself outside the community to which he belongs: breaking away from the community, he will be completely forgotten and ultimately civilian death.At the same time, the community gives a person a lot, first of all – support and protection, often even to a greater extent than the liberal state can provide for his Western counterpart. In this regard, freedom in the East is understood in a completely different way than in the West. It is not personal freedom from any prohibitions and restrictions, but the freedom to use the opportunities and resources of the community in order to bring even greater prosperity to your community and ultimately yourself personally. In this sense, the ideology of “color revolutions” is a direct threat to the freedom of an individual living in a traditional Eastern society, to his relatives, friends and family.In short, the Western slogan “freedom” does not find a response in the East.

The concept of justice in traditional Eastern societies is also defined by the formula: fair is what will benefit the community. In domestic politics, this is expressed in the desire to achieve high government posts for representatives of their clan, which, by the way, is not much different from the internal political struggle of the largest families in the United States – the Kennedy, the Bush and others. The principle of popular representation here is reduced to tribal, clan or communal representation.The traditional way and rules of behavior adopted in the communities in power apply to the entire state internal policy as a whole, cementing it and making it resistant to any external influences. The Western slogan that justice should be expressed in the right of everyone to rule the country causes sincere misunderstanding in the East.

The concept of brotherhood in Eastern societies with a predominantly Muslim population already has its own clear definition given by Islam, and hardly needs Western modernization.

The ideology of national liberation movements today in North Africa is also, for obvious reasons, inapplicable.

Thus, for any Western political strategists who intend to make the Maghreb countries a platform for testing their new “revolutionary” technologies, the task of choosing a “revolutionary” ideology that suits the current situation in the region becomes an insoluble problem. In this case, experts on special operations omit the issue of ideology altogether, replacing it with a set of external PR clichés and relying on the rapid formation of a mass of disaffected “political crowd” for which ideology is not needed at all, but it is only necessary to indicate the purpose and direction of the main ramming strike.Meanwhile, real revolutions, which are the true manifestation of the will of the people, always have an ideology. All these signs point to a certain artificiality in the “revolutions” observed today in North Africa and the Middle East, leaving one to believe that there was an external “conductor” here.

Leaving aside the version about the complete spontaneity and randomness of “revolutions” in Tunisia, Egypt and other states of North Africa and the Middle East (which also has the right to exist), let us dwell on the assumption that everything that happened in the Maghreb countries is no coincidence and has an external customer …In this case, several key questions immediately arise:

– how these “revolutions” were carried out, with the help of what schemes, models and technologies;

– who is the real customer and executor of “revolutions” in North Africa and the Middle East;

– what are the true goals pursued by the “revolutions”, who is the main target of the current events, and why, in order to defeat this target, it was necessary to blow up the entire African North, which was distinguished by the stability and stability of the political regimes that ruled there.

Models of international conflict management

“Color revolutions” in the classical form and any of their varieties are technologies for information-psychological management of international conflicts, including their artificial initiation. It was into the state of such ethnopolitical conflicts that societies in the previously stable and politically predictable states of North Africa plunged after the external initiation of the technologies of “pistachio revolutions” and “controlled chaos”.

Today, managing specially initiated political conflicts is much more profitable than trying to negotiate with the leaders of states who feel real power behind themselves and rely on the support of the army and the bulk of the local population. Indeed, modern international conflicts, despite their seeming uniqueness, originality and unpredictability, have a great generic and species similarity and develop in general according to the same laws, which makes it possible to predict their further development and consider these conflicts as an object of external control, introduce such concepts, as a field of conflicts, to formulate their generalized and statistical characteristics.Modern conflicts can and should be managed on the basis of the laws of origin, evolution and resolution common to all of them. The perception of international conflicts as purely individual and unpredictable phenomena leads to a belated and ineffective response in fact, to the practice of political improvisation.

In modern conflicts, technologies of information and psychological impact are used within the framework of four dominant cultural and civilizational models: Anglo-Saxon, East Asian, Middle Eastern (Islamic) and Romano-Germanic (Western European), each of which seeks to transform the political systems of the parties to the conflict in accordance with its own picture of the world …All these models today effectively work in zones of international conflicts, without contradicting each other and often complementing each other. Their effectiveness in the peaceful resolution of conflicts makes it possible to consider these models as a real alternative to forceful appeasement, actively promoted today in the sphere of international relations by Western political propaganda.

Information and psychological technologies used in these models have all the properties of industrial technologies: universality (applicability to various types of conflicts), multiple replicability and predictability of the final result.There is a fundamental difference between technologies and individual techniques, methods and methods of psychological impact on conflicts: technologies are a ready-made set of conflict management tools based on knowledge and use in the control loop of the general patterns of their origin, evolution and resolution, while an individual approach to each new conflict requires each time to look for new instruments of influence, moreover, mainly empirically and with a noticeable delay.

The Anglo-Saxon model sees the resolution of conflicts in a complete, forced transformation of the political systems of the conflicting parties, more precisely, of its opponent, who must accept the political norms and standards of the Anglo-Saxon civilization (“democratic institutions”). Traditionally, the Anglo-Saxons use both methods of forceful pressure (“forceful appeasement”, “humanitarian interventions”, “the fight against international terrorism”) and methods of non-violent influence (“soft power”, “velvet revolutions”, “psychological warfare”).The Anglo-Saxon model is based on the Protestant worldview and ethics of success, the usefulness of the end result.

The East Asian model proceeds from the goal of resolving a conflict situation in the gradual, long-term integration (integration) of political systems and values ​​of the conflicting parties, opponents into their own system of political relations (for example, the Taiwan problem, the “return” of Hong Kong: “one country – two systems”), gradually dissolving in its system the national identity of the political systems of the weaker participants.The disappearance of entire peoples and ethnic groups in China is known as a result of prolonged assimilation (Manchus, Dinlins – Tashtyk culture and other “barbarians”) ¹ .

The Middle East (Islamic) model sees the process of conflict resolution in the transference, the projection of the traditional mechanisms of regulating socio-political relations historically formed in Islam into conflict zones, including through the expansion of the Islamic world and the spread of the influence of Islamic ideology.The division of the world according to the religious principle revives the spirit of religious wars, jihad, which includes both peaceful means of regulating international conflicts and an armed struggle for faith. In the Shiite branch of Islam, which dominates in Iran, there are no calls for jihad against the “infidels”, moreover, the leaders of this country make proposals for an intercivilizational dialogue ² , advocate the search for mutual understanding between Christian and Muslim countries and peoples not through mutual denial of value attitudes , but by borrowing (exchanging) cultural and technological achievements.

The Romano-Germanic model based on its civilizational, political ethics, according to a number of authors, is burdened with stereotypes, a set of “generally accepted” or generally binding ethical concepts that do not always coincide with the ideas of other civilizations. Therefore, for example, the dialogues of both the French and the Germans with the Chinese are difficult, “there are forums, but the dialogue does not work out” ³ . In this regard, the Romano-Germanic model proceeds from the fact that the process of resolving a conflict situation consists in changing the views of its participants, mainly by adopting the prevailing ethical norms and stereotypes established in this civilization.This model of psychological impact on conflicts does not set the task of changing the political systems of its participants through direct intervention, but seeks to control the consciousness of the political elites in power in the states participating in the conflict, as well as the consciousness of various layers of the local population and the international community, prompting them to perceive the conflict in according to his proposed image of the conflict, that is, to look at the conflict through the eyes of the European community.

The Anglo-Saxon model is implemented in politics in the form of psychological operations conducted by the United States and its allies, in which the use of direct armed force is viewed as a service in relation to the technologies of information-psychological control of the mass and individual consciousness of the population, both directly in the zones of international conflicts and outside them. …The model of such an operation consists of the following sequence of phases: political stratification of society, political polarization of strata, controlled behavioral reaction (based on the techniques of anchoring known in psychology) and psychological correction of the political behavior of population groups and target audiences based on the principle of feedback.

The use of psychological “anchor” techniques becomes especially dangerous in conditions of ethnopolitical conflicts: many types of mass psychological states that have formed during the historical period of the development of national identity, including borderline and aggressive states, are already embedded in ethnic memory and practically unchanged, unconsciously (that is at the level of the collective subconscious) are passed down from generation to generation.They do not need to be specially formed for a specific psychological operation. The historical mechanisms of the initiation of these states, which are repeatedly triggered in the historical practice of interethnic conflicts, are also known: in order to “switch” the population of an ethnic enclave from the psychological state of peaceful good-neighborliness to the state of unmotivated aggression, it is enough to slightly adapt the format of the psychological impulse that initiates the psychological the mechanism of “switching states” characteristic of a given ethnic group to modern conditions.It is these psychological techniques and technologies that have shown themselves exceptionally vividly in the “date revolutions” in North Africa.

Technologies of political coups
and “controlled chaos”

Technologies of “date and pistachio revolutions” have an undeniable resemblance to “color revolutions”, using the same arsenal of psychological and organizational techniques, patterns and schemes, but shifting the emphasis on methods that can split the cohesion of traditional Eastern societies into small fragments, with in order to rip out individuals from the tribal and tribal clans, disorient them in the political situation with the help of mass consciousness control technologies and create from these disoriented citizens the main ramming tool of any “color revolution” – the “political crowd”.Methods and technologies that allow splitting cohesive traditional societies into separate fragments, plunging society into a state of disintegration and political chaos obeying its own laws, are called “controlled chaos” technologies. Today many experts and observers see a trace of the application of these technologies in North Africa and the Middle East.

One of the authors of the “controlled chaos theory” popular in the West is Stephen Mann, an American strategist, diplomat and political scientist.The essence of the concept put forward by him is as follows.

The purpose of any special psychological operation is to ensure the voluntary obedience of a person of interest, so that later on, freely and without any restrictions, use him for his own purposes – as an inanimate tool, resource, consumable. This result is relatively easy to achieve in Western liberal societies, where every citizen is an individualist who pursues exclusively personal goals in life and, although he enjoys some support and protection of the state, he mostly fights and survives alone.It is not difficult to psychologically break such an individual and “reprogram” for any pattern of political behavior, including the so-called “democratic” one, since no even the strongest person is able to withstand the pressure of the system and the technologies of psychological persuasion and coercion applied by it. That is why numerous techniques of covert manipulation, brainwashing, NLP, reflexive control are so popular and effective in Western society, and sects are relatively easy to recruit and process adepts.Indeed, in order to get yourself an adept, you just need to break his personal protective barriers, which nature provided him at birth to protect the psyche from external negative influences, and replace his value system with your own.

In traditional societies with collective subjectivity, things are different. There, an individual, deeply integrated into a society, clan, clan or tribe, is protected by this society from any external negative psychological impact, even the most powerful one.In countering negative influence or any form of information aggression, each member of this society can rely on and rely on the resources of the entire society as a whole and on the help of any of its members, therefore it is not so easy to break him. To do this, it is necessary to destroy the outer line of defense – the very traditional structure of building society – and plunge society into political chaos, which deprives any person caught in its maelstrom of collective support and turns him into an individualist concerned exclusively with questions of his own survival.The recipe for plunging societies into chaos is simple: it is a political coup or armed rebellion, accompanied by a powerful information and propaganda campaign to discredit traditional values. Such a process will lead to a rapid “atomization” of a closed traditional society with a collective subjectivity at the heart of its structure, which will eventually “open” it, mix it up. As a result of the destruction of the traditional way of life and the devaluation of values, an ideological vacuum will arise, which must immediately be filled with an ideology specially developed by the directors of the “revolutions”.The change of values ​​in the conditions of chaos will happen imperceptibly: any person torn from their traditional way of life and having lost the support of their clan or clan will cling to any ideological concept that guarantees their survival. The change in the system of values ​​in society taking place in this process ensures the voluntary subordination of all its members and turns society into an obedient instrument for realizing the foreign policy interests of a foreign state. Chaos becomes manageable.

Chaos theory is applied to dynamic systems with a very large number of moving components and is, in fact, a new nonlinear planning of events in complex systems.Mann himself defines this concept as a real revolution, which forms new approaches to military strategy, and its influence can change both the nature of war and the standards of strategic thinking. “Structure and stability are within the most visible disorder and non-linear processes,” the American strategist says. The initial parameters play a key role here, because, according to the developer of the concept, “such“ chaotic ”systems show a subtle dependence on the initial conditions” ⁴ .

In accordance with this theory, in order to ensure the voluntary subordination of the countries of North Africa to the interests of an external state, the clans and communities that unite their population must mix, that is, the current traditional social structure that still exists in North Africa must be destroyed and mixed. This is exactly what is happening now in the states that have become victims of the “new revolutionary wave”.

Probable customers

Some typical statements and statements by the authors of the technologies of “color revolutions”, “controlled chaos” and the concept of “Greater Middle East” point to potential customers, authors and organizers of the “date revolutions”.All of them are US citizens.

Thus, one of the authors of the concept of the “Greater Middle East” neo-conservative theorist Michael Ledin argues that “the modern Islamic world is a new edition of fascism”, but “fascism plays without rules”, therefore, to defeat “fascism” (i.e. Islamic world) is possible only with the help of similar fascism – extremely harsh and aggressive actions that trample – for the sake of “good” goals – some fundamental norms of democracy “ ⁵ . As the core of the Islamic world, from which the threat to the rest of the democratic world emanates, he directly points out the very countries of North Africa and the Middle East, where the events of the “date revolutions” are taking place today.

In the form in which these states exist, they are not ready to accept American values ​​due to the fact that their social structure is a communal, clan, tribal structure with a strongly dominant ethnic factor. Against this background, in most of these countries, secular political regimes were built with an authoritarian irreplaceable leader at the head, a rigid hierarchy and often a state of emergency, relying on the army and special services as the main guarantors of order and uniform ideological harmony.In their political form, these are nation-states with an authoritarian rigid vertical of power and a clear ideological base.

Political authoritarian regimes, outwardly demonstrating loyalty to the United States, did not allow the territories under their control to fully open to the outside world, which is necessary to connect them to the global social network. All this impeded the actions of American institutions for the development of civil society in these countries, and the formal loyalty of many political regimes imposed additional restrictions, forcing their position and opinion to be reckoned with. ⁶ .

Now, apparently, the time has come to radically change the situation that has developed over the past decades. It is known that in the event of a coup d’état, the new government, generally consisting of dubious and little-known elements to the international community, will be primarily concerned with its own international recognition and will be ready to sacrifice any national interests for this. Consequently, such leadership will be much more accommodating in addressing key political and economic issues.With such a government, it will be possible to revise economic agreements and change them for the better for themselves in exchange for minor political advances towards the new government.

The fact that the process of the immersion of North Africa and part of the Middle East has begun right now suggests that the time has come to revise the previous agreements of the governments of a number of Arab states with such world leaders as the United States (who are the authors of these technologies). If it is Washington that is behind the “pistachio revolutions”, then its reformatting of the map of North Africa and the Middle East may pursue two main goals.

Goals of the new “color revolutions”

The true goals of the “pistachio revolutions” in the countries of North Africa and the Middle East undoubtedly lie deeper than simply changing political regimes and replacing, in general, loyal, but little-controlled (due to their perpetuity) authoritarian leaders of Arab states with puppets, constantly dependent from external political support. These “revolutions” should be viewed not in the narrow sense as ordinary intra-civil conflicts, but in the system of coordinates of global politics.In this coordinate system, the Maghreb region is the point at which the interests of the world’s largest political forces converge today, which have made North Africa a kind of training ground and a springboard for the approaching battle for the entire African continent, the largest since the former colonies gained their independence. This fight, according to many analysts, will become a new territorial and energy redistribution for the Black Continent.

There are several critical reasons why Africa is strategically important to the global economy, including the geopolitical interests of the United States of America and China as the world’s largest players.The main one is oil. The total oil reserves of African countries are 16.6 billion tons, which is 10% of the world’s total reserves. According to this indicator, Africa is second only to the Middle East and Eurasia. Moreover, new deposits are discovered annually. The leaders in proven oil reserves are Libya (5.7 billion tons), Nigeria (4.8 billion tons), Angola (1.8 billion tons), Algeria (1.5 billion tons), Sudan (0, 9 billion tons). West Africa already accounts for 15% of the oil imported into the United States, and this figure, according to all forecasts, will reach 25% over the next 25 years.Oil fields are found on the coast of Angola, Sao Tome, Gabon and Nigeria. The United States is trying to reduce its energy dependence on the Middle East, which is why Africa has become a special object of American political interest in recent years.

African countries account for about a third of China’s oil imports. In 2006, Angola, overtaking Saudi Arabia, became the main supplier of oil to the PRC. In addition, the PRC’s economy is noticeably oriented towards African gas supplies. The gas resources of the African continent are significant.They total $ 14.65 trillion. m ³ , which is 7.9% of world reserves. In terms of proven reserves of natural gas, Nigeria and Algeria (5.22 and 4.5 trillion cubic meters ³ , respectively) are second only to Russia, Iran, Qatar, Turkmenistan, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates worldwide, but they are significantly ahead of such a leading gas exporter. as Norway (2.91 trillion m ³ ). It should be noted that in the energy sector, the PRC is the largest partner of such African countries as Sudan, Angola, Nigeria, Equatorial Guinea and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Hydrocarbons are not the only African raw material that China needs. Of interest are also ores and metals: zinc, cobalt, copper, uranium and bauxite, which are imported from Zambia, Zimbabwe, South Africa, DRC, Gabon and Morocco. Despite the fact that the PRC itself has significant reserves of non-ferrous metals, most of the Chinese deposits are poor and unsuitable for artificial enrichment of ore. The gap between the growth in demand for non-ferrous metals due to the rapid industrial growth of the PRC and supply due to the reduction in domestic reserves can cause a serious problem for the country’s economy.

Thus, Africa and the Middle East today are the point of intersection of the vital interests of two great powers – the United States and China, which have already entered into an irreconcilable struggle for access to energy resources and political influence in the region.

For Washington, the Maghreb countries are a key region on the world map, the establishment of control over which makes it possible to manage the global transit of hydrocarbons and other types of strategic raw materials for the largest developing economies (primarily China).The United States is losing out to its main rival China in the pace of economic development and is increasingly becoming dependent on its rapidly growing economic and political power. Under these conditions, Washington’s policy can be expressed in maintaining control over large reserves of hydrocarbon raw materials at any cost, preventing their supply to China and Europe and thereby restraining their economic growth. One of the methods to achieve this goal is the use of national separatist and extremist movements to destabilize the uncontrolled regions – the so-called “controlled chaos”.The use of just such technologies is observed today in the countries of North Africa and the Middle East that have survived or continue to experience the “date revolutions”. This is the first main goal of the United States and the reason for “revolutionary” events in the region: it is possible that the new government, established with the help of technologies of “color revolutions” and “controlled chaos”, will be tasked with cutting off (or significantly reducing) energy exports to China.

Washington’s second major target may have to do with the upcoming battle for Africa and its energy resources in general.As a reason for the rivalry of great powers and the subject of a new geopolitical redistribution of spheres of influence, the African continent today, undoubtedly, is a tasty prey. At the same time, politically, Africa is the youngest region in the world. The average age of the countries located here, except Ethiopia, is less than 40 years. The overwhelming majority of states were formed after the collapse of the colonial empires of the European metropolises in the second half of the twentieth century. It is possible that in the very near future the colonial borders will be replaced by a new political structure in the region.The United States hopes to play a key role in this reorganization by putting forward the concept of a new geopolitical entity – the “Greater Middle East”. The chain of “color revolutions” in the countries of North Africa and the Middle East may become the first practical step towards its implementation.

¹ Kryukov M.V., Perelomov L.S., Sofronov M.V., Cheboksarov N.P. Ancient Chinese in the era of centralized empires. M., 1983.S. 63.

² Khatami M. Islam, Dialogue and Civil Society. M., 2001.S. 141.

³ Korolev S.I. Ethnic psychology: research methods and methods of use. M., 2007.S. 184.

⁴ Korovin V. Tsunami of “color revolutions” in the Great Middle East // Eurasia, IAP. 2011.4 apr. // http://evrazia.org/print.php?id=1619

⁵ Ibid.

⁶ Ibid.

90,000 “We have not yet outlived the primary, carnal individualism”

March 27, 2015

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For the overwhelming majority of Russians, the deterioration in personal well-being came as a surprise. Having got used to consuming not just a lot, but more and more in the 2010s, people at first got confused, then ran to stores to buy everything with the money they had, and now they are actively looking for an answer to the question “Who is to blame?”Very few people think about what to do next. Those of them who dare to express their thoughts aloud are immediately enlisted in the camp of the enemy. The atmosphere inside Russian society is tense, and it is not yet clear what this conflict between different groups may result in. Companion magazine spoke with Professor Oleg Leibovich about the scale of the ongoing changes, the threats hidden in them, chthonic monsters and evil spirits.

Alexey Gushchin

– Oleg Leonidovich, is the social decline that is now observed in many developed countries, including European and in Russia, a consequence of the technological changes inherent in the transition to an information society, or is it another story?

– There are several stories.I would not evaluate what is happening with them as a social decay. In the West, there are very complex processes associated with the integration into European civilization of a mass of people far from it. Many migrants have already mastered European languages, but culture has not. The procedure for mastering cultural values ​​is imprinted in all sorts of chaos, disorganization, outbursts of aggression, or, on the contrary, in completely inexplicable tolerance for those phenomena that were previously considered obsolete. In the FRG, convictions are still being passed on new German citizens who, in accordance with their former Togolese customs, whip children.And there are always those who explain this by well-established norms: they seem to be glad not to beat the child, but they cannot afford it.

The second aspect, which has nothing to do with the meeting of civilizations and cultures, is really a change in socio-production technologies, when the former forms of human life are leaving, cease to be the dominant in social relations. The worker of the new formation in the shop no longer works, his individual resource is even greater than the collective one, and he believes that he can alone withstand the elements, and ceases to see the enemy in the boss, who forces him to turn on the machine, because he is the same cog in the system.The same thing happens with political parties: they are already acting in such a unified field of values, orientations, traditions and even symbolism that voting for a socialist is more a tribute to tradition than a conviction in the correctness of their current slogans. There is a fading out of political life, when only elections are a political act, and everything else is private life.

– In many European countries, on the contrary, there is an intensification of political life, politicians and radical parties are gaining popularity.

– This is when the field is already fenced off, the posts are set, everything is lined up, and then a hooligan suddenly appears, who begins to say what has been forbidden to say for 30 years. Political correctness always breeds sympathy for the bully who shouts: “How long ?!” We like him, but we do not know how to help him otherwise, how to put a tick next to his name in the ballot. But the fact is that as soon as the bully puts on a tuxedo, a white shirt front and goes to the parliamentary rostrum, he begins to say: “The voter behind me proposes tougher measures, which, however, does not mean in any way… “He integrates into the existing system and ceases to be a bully. From time to time, recalling, of course, that he has a vest under his shirt-front, but he did not dare to demonstrate it.

But that’s all they have. In Russia, the situation is completely different. 25 years ago, we learned that private life can be interesting, attractive, comfortable, successful, and fled into it, leaving the field of power, public politics to special people who like this occupation.For themselves, they decided: politics is a dirty business and a decent person would rather get his hands dirty in dung than in a political struggle. Social apathy, flight from all political forms of life have dominated our culture over the past years. It turned out to be a strange thing: in the West in the 1960s and 1970s, communal politics was the business of 10-15% of the townspeople who belonged to the upper middle class, they constituted the establishment – those who have property, education, status, who were interested in people who didn’t smell like that didn’t come into their neighborhood.All the rest – the social bottom – repeated: “This is not our business, we do not decide anything.” Then this began to change and other social strata who received political education began to be drawn into communal politics. In Russia, the opposite was true. People of the third generation, with incomplete secondary education, who arrived in the city as children, were most actively involved in communal life. We discovered this phenomenon in the course of conducting social research that the most active in communal politics are grandmothers and grandfathers, who are interested in who is a deputy and who is not a deputy, it is important to take part in some action not only because they give cabbage there, but simply because that it should be so.The people who worked at that time received money, invested it in an apartment, dacha, car, waved a pen on election day.

Alexey Gushchin

– This contradicts the course of events in economically developed countries, where the growth of prosperity is accompanied by an increase in the value of freedom of choice.

– With freedom of choice, we are also all right, but not within the power. A well-known convention: “Guys, you do not interfere in our private affairs, we do not meddle in politics.” This convention rests on a tacit agreement that its terms are understood by everyone in the same way.

In our society, if you can call it a large social aggregate to which we all belong, there is no single culture, a single picture of the world, there are many cultures, many images of reality, many accepted strategies of behavior, completely inconsistent with each other.Everyone thinks that everyone behaves exactly like me. The conflict of cultures, the war of civilizations, but only in a separate area and not at all between people belonging to different ethnic groups, but to different communities, have come out today.

In the intellectual environment, it is customary to make fun of spiritual bonds, and completely in vain. Basically, this is the right idea. There used to be the iron hoops of Soviet ideology, which encouraged people with different worldviews, different value systems, and different ideas about life to say about the same thing.The power of language is also power over behavior. A very strange thing arose, which we still do not assess very correctly: under the iron shell, a variety of ideological constructions were formed and then disintegrated. And cave nationalism, and naive Westernism, and liberalism, which fell asleep 150 years ago. There were value systems of different order, but their intellectual processing did not take place. The hoops were not allowed.

In the West, the values ​​of different eras and social groups have been circulating on the market of ideas for decades and have been publicly criticized.They managed to get rid of the temptation of fascism – not completely, but on the whole they succeeded. Nazism came to us without any temptations. There were as many crimes, racial hatred, genocide as desired, in any volume, but there was no temptation. But even in those conditions there were people who invented this temptation for themselves. Let us recall the remark of the secretary of the regional committee during the war, comrade Gusarov. He is portrayed in a very straightforward manner, and he, apparently, was an intelligent and perceptive person, sometimes he said things that were indecent for people of his rank.In October 1941, at a meeting of the plenum of the regional committee, he publicly declared: “Do not hope that our people are anti-fascists, for many fascism is attractive.”

After all, we did not have a mass fascist temptation, and therefore we could not get rid of it. Now the temptation to fascism has appeared, and it is not easy to overcome it. Not all cultures are the same; there are also those among them that inculcate hatred, justify violence. The image of spiritual bonds symbolizes the need to push them out of the bounds of social harmony.

– It turns out that now in Russian society there is neither ideology nor spiritual bonds?

– There are braces, but only in small communities. Some say: “We are Russians, therefore we must behave accordingly.” Others say: “Actually, we are Russian citizens, so we must behave a little differently.” Still others say that they are the heirs of the Vikings or Mongols.Others explain that we are either gnomes or trolls. During the census, when it was possible to indicate your ethnicity, we also had elves …

The Russian government faces a tough problem – the problem of state identity and nation-building. And when a nation is being constructed, naturally, a great mythology is needed. The authorities are looking for mythology, they propose to rely on two chthonic monsters – Comrade Stalin and Ivan the Terrible, only they don’t name names, they are very disgusting.Previously, they tried to replace Stolypin, but nothing happened: a good surname, but it is not clear what about. There are proposals to mythologize Alexander II the Liberator.

Alexey Gushchin

– That is, the authorities also do not have a common understanding of who we are?

– No.Our government is absolutely democratic in the sense that it feels, thinks and acts in the same way as hundreds of thousands of people who were not allowed to power. We do not have an elite, it has not yet taken shape, so our ideas about the world, about what is good and what is bad, about what political behavior is correct and what is not, coincide with the ideas of people in power.

– Sechin, Rotenberg, Timchenko, Yakunin – isn’t this the Russian elite?

– According to Mills, yes: the elite are people who have the resources to power and control.But Mills’s definition is far from complete. The elite are people who have a culture that is more developed, more productive, higher, to some extent exemplary for everyone else. The elite is generated by three or four generations in some Ecole Normal, Cambridge, Oxford and other institutions where they teach strictly. Our elite is very democratic in this respect. In our country, the deputy prime minister of the local government can publicly declare that he was a round C grade. Brag about it. Among the American establishment, we will find a lot of C-graders, but none of them will admit this in front of the television cameras.

– Can the children of Russian politicians and businessmen who study abroad become the elite?

– Grandchildren, great-grandchildren can, but children cannot. In order to be the elite of Russian society, one must be a part of this society. The elite must be highly educated, cultured and at the same time understand the interests of the country, be able to find a common language with people belonging to other strata.

– According to the results of recent social studies, the ideas of isolationism are wildly popular among the masses. How do you think this is explained?

– The fact is that a real meeting with the West, when we walked around Prague, wiped our shoes on the sacred stones of Paris, talked to foreigners at least in sign language, occurred only in 5-10% of Russians, and most of them live in big cities.

– Not so long ago, Esquire published data, according to which 86% of Russians have never traveled outside their homeland.

– Of those 14% who went abroad, I think two-thirds did not go further than Turkish and Egyptian camps. That is, the West has remained a stranger and, therefore, dangerous and harmful.

– Does the Russian government take advantage of these primitive fears?

– Yes, she does not use anything! She just goes with the flow.The audience says: “I want enemies! I really want enemies! Because I don’t live the way I want! ”

– This is an excuse for their own failures with something external.

– Not something, but someone. When justified by something, the next step is to find an answer to the question about the conditions that made me not live as well as I would like. The next step towards social criticism is taken by very few people due to lack of education and due to deep immersion in private life.Our society, government, country are going through a dangerous stage – from the 2000s to the 2010s, the standard of living of the mass of people increased, living conditions improved. Naturally, at different speeds – some faster, some slower – and in a competition: buying a Peugeot was a holiday, but only if the neighbor did not buy a Porsche, otherwise it is a painful everyday life. There were a lot of people who did not participate in this process, whose standard of living was either fixed at zero, or even declined. But this was a shrinking minority.Never in history have people in Russia consumed material goods in such quantities. And the hope arose, and then strengthened, that it would be forever. Citizens got credit cards, mortgages flourished, and even the birth rate rose. All this is characteristic of a society confident that tomorrow will be like today, only a little better.

Alexey Gushchin

– With the growth of economic well-being, people have a demand for cultural and educational improvements.

– Not necessary. And this is typical not only for our society, it happens all over the world. At first, a person simply lives, begins to eat a lot, to drag into his hole what is good or bad, look askance at his neighbors. This was the case in Europe, in the USA – this is a general rule. A generation passes, the second, and only then new social demands begin to appear. This has not happened yet.

– Will it happen at all with the current trends?

– With the degradation of the education system, it will definitely not happen.About four years ago, we wrote an article about the school dying, let’s tell the truth: “Parents should be engaged in the education of their children, we will open educational centers for parents, teach them techniques and methods, and leave the state bodies that will test this knowledge.” True, the question arises: maybe the old forms of education, to which we belong, are simply destroyed, and new forms are inherent in each new stage? Unrestrained optimism about adding one device, adding a second device, and enlightened Russian citizens will start organizing democratic forms of self-government, treating someone tolerantly, is inappropriate.

– The writer Lyudmila Evgenievna Ulitskaya, a former geneticist, suggested that in the last 100 years there has been a consistent genocide of the gene pool. Do you agree with this idea?

– Any biologist will tell you that the gene pool has been changing for one and a half million years, not a hundred. Of course, there was a negative selection, but there was also a positive one. To say that the Russian society in 1917 was more educated, enlightened, tolerant, civilized than the Russian society in 2015 is to say nonsense.Another thing is that we could not go through the intellectual and spiritual path that Europe had to go through. The rusty hoops of Soviet ideology have served their purpose. If it weren’t for the hoops, they would have devoured each other, the wolves from fright did not do that yet. And in general, under the rust were good words: freedom, equality and brotherhood, compulsory education and happiness for all.

Alexey Gushchin

– If you follow the logic of our conversation, is there a risk that now representatives of different communities in Russia can eat each other?

– There is a risk, so now the authorities are trying to create new braces.In the public there is a craving for social order, precisely for order, for the social world there is no craving. 30 years ago, people could be indignant, scolding, telling jokes, believing that we live badly, but there was certainty. I didn’t like the social order, but it was. Then a situation of social chaos arose on a personal level, when you follow social norms – you go to the factory by 8:00, turn the machine on and off, drink vodka with the master, hide the details, but it suddenly turns out to be of no use to anyone: neither your qualifications, nor yours discipline, or the skills of effective communication that you have learned, and in general, the salary ceases to be paid, the wife meets with harsh criticism.

The Russian president is the symbol of the established social order. I see him on TV, in a portrait, which means that everything is normal, I understand what will happen tomorrow. There are rules and will continue to be.

Returning to the plot: we are experiencing a dangerous moment when, after a long rise, there was a stop, which at first seemed to be the result of the wiles of evil spirits, but then it became clear that the spirits had left, and the rise did not continue, but, on the contrary, a decline began.But people are not used to living in recession, doubts creep in: maybe the social order is not so good. In similar situations, riots, revolutions, changes occurred in the 20th century.

– Draw parallels between the current situation in Russia and the period before the First World War.

– This is the wrong parallel. In our society, horizontal conflicts between Muscovites and non-Muscovites, between people who turn up their noses because they talk in English, and people who speak only Russian, between rich and poor, between people of different traditions are so deep that the conflict between society and government against this background, it loses its meaning.There is not and will not be in the foreseeable future a revolutionary situation when the lower classes do not want, but the upper classes cannot. Under these conditions, the authorities can feel relatively safe, but apparently they do not.

I repeat, people in power are exactly the same as people on the street. They are unlikely to build complex management structures. They, like everyone else, feel the vague threat of social upheaval. They want to talk about the crisis, and they are talking nonsense, for which at other times they would have been thrown out of power.What is the statement of some provincial mayor: do not worry, spring will come soon, you will eat nettles.

Since the power is based on social order, it means that somehow it must be toughened up, the evil spirits that are undermining it must be neutralized, and they must be named. But names for them are not very successful. What is the fifth column? Where are the other four? Who remembers the Spanish rhetoric of 1936?

– But such a situation cannot last forever, it must be resolved in one way or another.The economic situation in the country is already changing.

– The situation in the country is changing only with the consumption system. The public, accustomed to eating often (I would not say that it is good to eat), painfully perceives the calls to eat less, tighten their belts, etc. To streamline the situation, a new state identity is needed.

Alexey Gushchin

– In one of your works, you wrote that professional communities are silent in Russia, they do not appeal to the authorities.Are they silent because they are afraid?

– Out of fear too. But I’ll tell you a secret that professional communities are more a statistical group than a real one. After all, what is it really? This is, for example, when engineers get together in the evenings, drink engineering alcoholic drinks, eat engineering patties and discuss engineering topics, thus forming a community and expressing a general opinion on certain issues.There are no requests to create professional communities either. We have not yet outlived the primary, carnal individualism. The TV and the president provide us with a craving for unity.

Only one thing saves me from deaf pessimism – historical experience. Nowhere in history has a society been transformed in 5-10 years. In 1917, they carried out the Great October Socialist Revolution, the herald of the world social revolution, in 1937 they conducted a census and found that more than 50% of people are believers, and this after a five-year period of atheism, the dispersal of priests and a general educational program.West German sociologists in 1966 (before that they were simply afraid to approach their fellow citizens with such questions) found out that most people of the older generation feel nostalgic for the times of the Third Reich. They said something like this: “The SS is bad, Hitler is bad, because he lost the war, but the young people were moral, virtuous, they did not watch American films, they did not chew gum, they did not know any sexual revolution, they worked and collectively rested.” And after all, 20 years have passed since then, during which it was explained in all schools that Hitler was bad, the Nuremberg Treaty was the fairest, and so on and so forth.

The mole of history, as Engels taught, digs well, but very slowly. History cannot be driven. But it is possible and necessary to dream of a better future. Then eventually it will come.

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Psychedelic and Chaos Amon Düül | Culture and Lifestyle in Germany and Europe | DW

1967 can be described as a year of euphoria, in 1968 passions ran high, marginal youth turned to aggressive actions, the police did not remain in debt, and young people quickly mastered the secret of making the Molotov cocktail.There were no prolonged street fighting in Munich, but the actions of disobedience were carried out constantly. During the takeover of the University of Munich building, the local psychedelic group Amon Düül performed for the first time.

“Dance of the Lemmings” – this is the title of the book about Amon Düül

She made a stunning impression, nothing comparable in Munich, and in the whole of Germany in the summer of 1968 there was nothing. The Beatles and the Rolling Stones were very famous, but there were a lot of students who were indifferent to them, and here a dozen people stoned to the point of insensibility on stage, dressed in colorful Indian robes, knocking and ringing to the music.

Amateurs

Non-professionals played at Amon Düül. It was the requirement of the moment – to do something yourself. Everyone who started living in a new way had to be able to do at least something: read Freud, Nietzsche and Castaneda, or stand on his head, silently sit for hours in a corner or draw, write poetry or strum the guitar. Respectable burghers looked at hippies with mockery, contempt and even hatred. Intelligent students were inclined to talk about the social significance of Frank Zappa’s records and about the revolution, but they did not take those who dared to take the flute in their hands seriously.The beginning musicians themselves also looked down on each other.

Commune

The members of Amon Düül lived in a commune, that is, they rented one common apartment for all. This was very modern and ideologically correct: individualism and various property (ownership of food, housing, books, money, family) had to be defeated. The premises of a typical commune looked like this: white walls, mattresses on the floor, posters on the walls, gramophone records scattered around.There are no curtains on the windows.

People constantly flowed through the commune, strangers appeared, brought something with them or more often took away, emptied the refrigerator, took books and disks with them and disappeared forever. Some stayed for several weeks. The members of the commune constantly quarreled with each other, with neighbors and with the owner of the apartment. The police often came. Communes – for all the attractiveness of the idea of ​​a socialist community – turned out to be extremely unstable.

Cover of “Psychedelics”

Already in the summer of 1968 the commune Amon Düül split into two, respectively, two groups Amon Düül I and Amon Düül II arose.Departure and abuse because of the name were hysterical, everything was going on against the background of ideological disputes, as well as conversations about who had the longer hair and coat.

Holes Holes Holes

The original band did not sing songs, but improvised. There were more than a dozen people on the stage, including small children, the keyboard player was able to press only one key (however, due to the general noise and rumble, no one heard him). The orchestra beat drums, jingled with glands, whistled on flutes, beat on guitars.Instead of singing, they muttered into the microphone. In other words, Amon Düül did a very rhythmic noise, constantly repeating the same figure, or, more simply, “holes-holes-holes”. They called their music that way. They meant shamanic trance, the unity of all spiritual manifestations of a person, the imminent liberation of mankind and the dawn of a new life. Amon Düül saw themselves not as a rock band, but as, as they would say today, a multimedia project.

The album “Psychedelic Underground”, one of the most outrageous examples of German psychedelic rock, was recorded in Berlin by the band Amon Düül I in an atmosphere of astonishing chaos, far exceeding what Amon Düül were usually capable of.Half the trouble was that half is the more musical half! – there was no group. And the main trouble was that Amon Düül I was joined by members of the famous Berlin “Commune number one”: the beauty Uschi Obermaier, anarchist ideologists Fritz Teufel and Rainer Langhans with his entourage. Teufel and Langhans immediately declared the drum kit expropriated and passed into public – that is, their own – use. Drummer Peter Leopold left the studio cursing.

The authoritarian, charismatic and completely unmusical Teufel and Langhans took the ideological and artistic leadership into their own hands, the sound engineer calmly recorded all the sounds they made. Holes-holes-holes in discord, monotony and rabidness turned out far beyond what the fine-minded Munich dilettantes could afford. Real revolutionary anti-music.

Author: Andrey Gorokhov
Editor: Efim Shuman

90,000 GOLDEN MASK – FESTIVAL AND PRIZE

11 March 2014

Jumping excitedly

Olga Fedorchenko | Kommersant newspaper

The performance of the ballet on March 5 was considered very responsible: members of the Golden Mask theater award were present at the performance, and a live broadcast was conducted on the Internet.OLGA FEDORCHENKO was also sitting not far from the jury members.

“Romeo and Juliet” choreographed by Nacho Duato received four Golden Mask nominations based on the results of the last season – the play itself, performers of the main roles Natalia Osipova and Leonid Sarafanov, conductor Mikhail Tatarnikov. Since the design features of the design do not make it easy to mount the ballet on other stages, “Romeo and Juliet” turned out to be a “restricted to travel abroad” performance. Therefore, the members of the jury came to St. Petersburg, and the prima ballerina of Covent Garden and the Mikhailovsky Theater Natalya Osipova flew here from London to dance Juliet again after a year’s break.

The play by Nacho Duato, staged for St. Petersburg dancers at the end of 2012, tells about rage and disobedience, about coercion and submission and, of course, about love. Duato’s choreography is sensual and physiological, without much of a Renaissance sophistication. The rudeness of the manners of almost all the characters is involuntarily projected onto the harsh and very cynical perception of romantic stories in the modern world. In this world, you need an obedient dog to run to the place indicated by the owner, here you need to follow the commands in an exemplary manner and receive a polite kiss on the cheek as a reward.A world where the only embodiment of tenderness seems to be the brutal Tybalt, covered in black skin: his passionate response to the languid appeal of Lady Capulet at the very beginning of the scene by the balcony reveals in a professional breeder the as yet unspent ardor of Don Juan. Romeo looks at this world with a clear smile of a mockery, presenting himself as a convinced pacifist; Juliet, with her endless Brownian movement, seems to personify the eternal chaos of the universe.

Juliet Natalia Osipova lives and loves avidly, without reasoning.Her dance speech is emotional and confusing: this is how a child who wants to speak up piles up words and phrases, overtaking himself with desperate gestures. The heroine Osipova has no past, she does not imagine any future for herself – her Juliet lives only here and now, at the peak of emotions. It combines a gullible childish view of the world, a daughter’s devotion to parental will and the publicized individualism of a lone rebel. The seeming incoherence of her monologues for her parents is nothing more than cute baby talk, and for Romeo – the words he would like to hear.Because Romeo Leonid Sarafanov is an emotional introvert hiding under the naive smile of a sweet and well-mannered young man. By his gentleness and gentleness, he is very reminiscent of the artist Yevgeny Mironov in the role of Prince Myshkin in the film adaptation of The Idiot. But the hero of Leonid Sarafanov is rapidly evolving from a sunny boy, a universal favorite, by no means to an eternal symbol of a hero-lover, but a silent pessimist who plunged himself into the abyss of gloomy gloom. And if in the first duet he tried to look into the darkness, behind the forbidden door (the image of entering another world is symbolically played up by Nacho Duato in the scene on the balcony), then in the scene of farewell to Juliet, Mr. Sarafanov dances not parting with his beloved, but slowly sinking to the bottom of the well …The climax in his performance is the episode in the crypt of the Capulet: he does not dance anything, he just stands by the grates, with his back feeling the approach of the funeral procession, and, undoubtedly, these few minutes that were stingy on plastic, which concentrated all the bitterness and pain of the saddest story in the world, moistened a lot eye.

By the way, Natalya Osipova and Leonid Sarafanov are the only couple nominated for the “Golden Mask” nomination for their performance in a full-length performance.